Interview with Bill Seymour

 

Bill Seymour was a trailer producer at National Screen Service [N.S.S.] from the 1950s through the late 1980s, when the company stopped trailer production. He subsequently worked for N.S.S.’s successor, Screen Opticals, who assembled and distributed trailers but were no longer responsible for the writing or creative planning of those trailers. This interview was conducted on 24th January 1995, at Screen Opticals in Perivale, West London. A full transcript can be found in Appendix 3 of my book Coming Soon: Film Trailers and the Selling of Hollywood Technology (McFarland & Company 2009).

 

KMJ [Keith M. Johnston]: Can you tell me something about the history of National Screen here in London, how they went about the process of making a trailer?’

BS [Bill Seymour]: When the war started they came down here [Perivale] in 1942… in those days… National Screen didn’t charge for the actual producing of the trailers ‘cos they had their own laboratory out the back. They had an agreement that they made all the prints that were required for going round the circuit so they made their money that way. They would make money if they had a hundred prints to make and then they’d also make money on the distribution… they had all the contacts tied up so that they could produce the trailers, make the trailers and distribute them… [later] they started introducing small charges – I think the first one was about £200… It was peanuts when you consider what had to go into it…

In the early days they used to work it that if they had sixty features of the film going round the circuits one week that feature would play North London, South the next week – the same right through the country so that they had these features going round the cinemas week after week after week. The same sort of thing happened with the trailers – if they were working on fifty features they’d need eighty trailers – every week they’d go out to the cinemas a week or two before the feature was due they’d show them. When that week was finished the trailers came back to National Screen on a Thursday night – all those trailers went back out again on Friday morning to the different areas.

They only made a small number of prints whereas today, over the last six years, with these multiplexes and things like that they flood the market – a film comes out and its all over the country, there’s none of this crossover now, it’s a terrible waste but it averages out. I mean, for a big film you’re talking about 750 –1000 trailers… What’s happening is that these trailers are shown at one cinema, one multiplex, then they’re sent back here and thrown away. They do keep a few of each because sometimes they’re called for abroad. We still get calls – two or three a year – from people who want trailers back to 1931, 32…

 

KMJ: Has the influence of the trailer maker on the finished product been eroded over the years as marketing and publicity practices have evolved?

BS: Esther Harris and people like that decided what they wanted to do but nowadays before they start creating the trailer the publicist of the studio would go down and view the feature and they would give them a rough idea of what they think. Now, the creative people might say ‘well, we disagree’ – they’d have a discussion to set out what they think, how it should be done. This is submitted to Fox, say, who will make a few suggestions then it comes back and is made to that script.

 

KMJ: What about approval from the British Board of Film Classification [BBFC]?

BS: Every trailer has to go to the BBFC to be classified. It’s always been like that. Sometimes you get the ridiculous thing: the feature will get a ‘PG’, you’d make a trailer, submit it to the board and they would give the trailer a ‘15’ because they’d say you condensed all the violence or whatever that was strung out through the feature. You’d have to go back and start all over again. But nowadays… they started having complaints because although all the trailers have certificate bands on the front when they go out from National Screen these trailers would get to the cinemas and these bands would bet thrown away, discarded – they were running into complaints that when they were making their cake stand the certificates were getting cut off and showing ‘15’ trailers when the feature showing was a ‘PG’. Three or four years ago they introduced a system where you actually colour code the side of the trailer with the same brand as the certificate.

 

KMJ: How did the introduction of different technology affect the trailer makers? Things like television, video, widescreen…?

BS: If the feature is shot in widescreen or ‘Scope… well, these days there are no ‘Scope trailers, only in specialised circumstances will cinemas show ‘Scope trailers… What happens now is if they shoot a feature in ‘Scope the same thing happens – we get the inter-positive and we have to un-squeeze it and pan and scan whatever we have to… [in terms of TV trailers] twenty second spots, we’d do them all the time. For each trailer you’d produce a TV spot [in NSS days]. The thing is the cost of transmitting them has gone out the window – you’d talking a prime time spot of £10,000 every time it’s shown.

 

KMJ: What are the different costs involved in trailer production? And how much does it cost to produce a trailer these days?

BS: You’re talking about £25 – 30,000 to produce a trailer negative. National Screen didn’t have any competition in the early days but in 1962 a couple of the editors who used to do all the Rank trailers – like all the Carry On’s, things like that – they, with backing from Peter Rogers and Jeremy Thomas, went out and set up a company called General Screen Enterprises and they started making all Rank’s trailers. Another company called Creative Partnerships set up in the late 70s – they were in town and had a place in Hollywood. About the same time a company called Picture Productions also started making trailers. So National Screen’s monopoly was gradually eaten away. [Picture Production Company] now create the trailers and we [Screen Opticals] put them all together and produce a negative at the end of the day, just like National Screen did.

[In terms of costs] I would estimate that… well, what normally happens is when the creative people order the sections of the picture and the track, that tab is picked up by the production company anyway so that is an ‘add on’ cost. A trailer might average 250 feet – when they order the sections in the first instance and the labs overprint… we get in excess of 1200 feet – you’re talking 1200 feet of inter-positive at £1.30 a foot. Off of that they take a black and white reversal to give them a cutting copy (black and white reversal is thirty pence a foot) so say 2500 grand extra…

For putting the whole trailer together – the creative side, our side, all depends on the amount of opticals (dissolves, fades, titles) that are added on. You’re talking between £1000 to £2000. But with all the editing – in the National Screen days, which is going back nine years, it was working out for the whole thing about £15,000. So up that to at least £25,000. It’s cheap publicity when you consider you’ve got 700 trailers going out – 250 feet, the printing cost is nearly £17,000 – each trailer costs you £22. They’ve got to add that on to their bill for publicity – it’s not a lot when you think of how much a film costs, and the revenue they hope to make.

 

KMJ: What trailers did you work on over the years at NSS? What trailers did you particularly admire?

BS: There are two or three… The Bond trailers… they cost a little bit more because of all the stuff Maurice Binder put into them. They weren’t National Screen trailers as such, but Maurice Binder created the main titles, the teaser trailers and the main trailers, all at National Screen. He used to create them, National Screen put them together for him… Stanley Kubrick did it on Clockwork Orange as well… he got Pablo Ferra from the States, he came here – created something completely out of the ordinary. Two or three frame cuts… eyes and whatever, colours all flashing… a one-off, when the studio get their own man in.

In terms of my own work… well, up to 20, 25 years ago, almost any film you can think of was probably a National Screen trailer…

 

KMJ: Over the years what has been the biggest change in trailer style or production?

BS: You never have all these big titles saying ‘Exciting’, ‘Big Romance’ and all that anymore, all the gregarious kind of effects and wipes – question marks zooming in and out. Trailers tend to follow a trend – we’ve found recently we have to put a lot of ‘slow mos’ in a lot of them.

 

KMJ: Thank you very much, Bill Seymour…

 

Frames # 3 Promotional Materials 05-07-2013. This interview © Keith M. Johnston.

Interview with Paul N. Lazarus

 

Paul N. Lazarus started his career in movie advertising and promotions in 1933. Having worked at Warner Bros., United Artists, and Columbia, he became executive Vice-President of National Screen Service Corporation from 1965. This interview was conducted on 5th February 1994 – a full transcript can be found in Appendix 3 of my book Coming Soon: Film Trailers and the Selling of Hollywood Technology (McFarland & Company 2009).

 

KMJ [Keith M. Johnston]: Can you tell me about the formation of National Screen Service?

PL [Paul Lazarus]: Well, National Screen Service [N.S.S.] was set up as a way of getting the eight major companies out of the nickel and dime business of selling trailers and posters and stills to individual theatres. This was back in 1918 when these companies had to do it all themselves… At that time all the companies had their own trailer departments which created and produced trailers… as N.S.S. grew to a sizeable company representing all the industry the companies began to phase out their own trailer departments and asked N.S.S. to provide a talent base in each studio which would create and produce the trailers. This man was on National Screen’s payroll but he was exiled to the respective studios – these were National Screen employees, paid very well because there were not that many of them about. These were specialists, these were men who could work on a picture from the time it got started, picking out key scenes, work with the director and producer and sales department and come up with a format which was acceptable to the company.

 

KMJ: How did National Screen make money? Did they charge the studios?

PL: No, no – National Screen set up their own distribution contracts, renting the trailers to the theatres and arranging for delivery… [at that time] theatres needed four trailers for the next week’s program. N.S.S. set up what we called a T-deal. These theatres made an overall contractual commitment to National Screen, and they paid per week as a regular fee. In return, National Screen agreed to fulfil all of their trailer requirements, which if they were playing four pictures a week could be 208 trailers a year.

 

KMJ: So how did National Screen work with the studios?

PL: N.S.S. was created to get the major companies back into their primary business of making movies and not selling trailers or posters or anything else. But none of the companies had a contractual relationship with National Screen – this was set up originally as a loose confederation – any company could pull out whenever it liked… Warner’s was always a problem – they eventually set up their own trailer department in the mid-30s… Columbia was another one, though Arthur Houseman did most of their trailers, whether through N.S.S. or not.

 

KMJ: What was the financial advantage of the studios using National Screen?

PL: National Screen paid a royalty to the companies based on the amount of business done on trailers and posters – the percentage was established early on. The more theatres wanted to run the trailer the more money the studios would get.

 

KMJ: How were trailers regarded in terms of other advertising materials?

PL: There was a general consensus that the trailer was the most important: there was no waste, you had a captive audience in a movie theatre, every one of them was a potential customer. If you could intrigue them with what you showed on the screen, they’d come back the next week. The only one hundred per cent motion picture coverage was the trailer. It was like selling strawberries. If you want to sell a box of strawberries you make sure the big ones are on the top, the rotten ones are underneath. It was the same when they made a trailer: you pick only the scenes that’ll help you sell your picture.

 

Frames # 3 Promotional Materials 05-07-2013. This interview © Keith M. Johnston.

‘Action… Suspense… Emotion!’: The Trailer as Cinematic Performance

 

Falling under the broad aegis of advertisement, film trailers are traditionally understood to be announcements of coming attractions, advance previews or acts of speculative “window shopping” (Lisa Kernan, 2004, 6). Like any advertisement, the trailer’s effectiveness may be retrospectively gauged by business generated for an antecedent film text. Indeed, the effort devoted, by film studios, to the marketing of their feature films is considerable, and has been increasing since the release of Jaws (1975) which followed a “saturation” advertising strategy (King, 2002, 55). Saturation advertising represents a multi-format, heterogeneous promotional presence – including posters, television spots, novel tie-ins, toys and other gimmicks – alongside conventional production of theatrical trailers.

In the age of saturation marketing, the proliferation of promotional forms means film trailers are ubiquitous – and their relationship to commerce and profit a component part of their public identity. Their visibility as promotional samples of “product” is evocative, leading to reactions like: “the trailer looked better than the film”, “it gave the best bits away”, or even that it “lied”. The negativity is a consequence of the trailer’s acute commercial character, in which tens of millions of dollars are spent on promotion 1 – and saturation marketing acts to “squeeze the maximum profit from a film” before poor critical response has time to inflict any damage (King, 2002, 55). Despite the cynicism behind (and directed towards) trailers and other promotional texts, a cognitive dissonance surrounds their reception. Perhaps a side-effect of their considerable commercial value, and aided and abetted by the internet’s ability to reach millions of casual spectators, film fans and critics engage prolifically in the viewing, storage, discussion and exhibition of promotional texts – in particular trailers. These archival efforts reveal a potential for diverse receptive experience, and point to a cultural resonance which digresses from the disposable, commercial qualities of conventional adverts.

In this paper I will examine how a culture of digressive reading positions the film trailer as a new form of cinematic expression – one which subverts and exploits negative associations of commercialism as part of a performative effect and which carries implications for the wider theoretical discussion of cinema. Barbara Klinger explores notions of “digressive” reception in her essay, Digressions at the Cinema, pointing out how  “social and intertextual agencies within mass culture… structure reception beyond textual boundaries” (1989, 5). Klinger describes a spectrum of paratextual and epitextual phenomena (like verbal discussion, or anecdotes about production) surrounding cinematic exhibition – and focuses specifically on “promotional forms” which “exemplify a relation between intertextuality and aesthetic commodification”:

A film’s commercial status is, after all, more than a matter of money or profit. Films circulate as products, not in a semantic vacuum, but in a mass cultural environment teeming with related commercial significations. Epiphenomena constitute this adjacent territory, creating not only a commercial life-support system for a film, but also a socially meaningful network of relations around it (1989, 5).

Representing the active participation of spectators, this “life-support” system illustrates ways in which the cinematic experience extends beyond the point of conventional disposal: the normative process in which adverts make way for products, and products fulfil their intended purposes. In this system, trailers function as much more than sales tools, serving as loci for considerable contemplation and thought or, as Jonathan Gray describes them, metatextual “frames and filters”, which tell us not “what to think, but what to think about and how to think about it” (2010, 3).

Like other trailer critics, including Kernan, Gray grounds his analysis of the trailer in Gérard Genette’s exploration of peripheral textual adornments – referred to as “paratexts” – including titles, author names, prefaces and illustrations which, while ambiguously connected to the “text”, function to “surround it and extend it” (Genette, 1997, 1). Kernan calls trailers “film paratexts” (2004, 7) and positioning them as such is advantageous to a complete understanding of their potential for cinematic expression. Genette’s definition rests on a spatial and temporal role, in which the paratext acts to “make present” an antecedent text in every sense of the word, including ensuring its “presence in the world” (1997, 1). The paratext functions, according to Genette, as a “threshold” of meaning, where a spectator may examine a sort of intertextual border crossing – what he calls an “undefined zone between the inside and the outside” (1997, 2) pointing both “towards the text” and “towards the world’s discourse about the text (ibid.).

Genette’s paratextual characteristics are reflected in current trailer discourse, in which the dichotomy of art and commercialism is referenced frequently. Kernan frames the trailer as “a unique form of film exhibition”, in which “promotional discourse and narrative pleasure are conjoined (whether happily or not)” (2004, 1), while Keith Johnston discusses the format’s role in “cross media film marketing” (Johnston, 2009, 21) as part of “a crucial textual bridge between film studio and audience” (ibid, 154). Following Klinger’s notions of digressive receptive potential, my discussion will take up Genette’s ideas and discuss how the film trailer acts as a performative outlet for new types of cinematic expression, while posing new questions for existing theoretical discussion. The idea of cinematic performance, in my discussion, is used in correlation with the term’s theatrical association – suggesting a degree of consideration, interpretation, staging and exhibition of some originating textual material. I will demonstrate that, in addition to various generic and thematic tropes specific to an antecedent film, the very act of “experiencing cinema” is coded into a trailer’s performance – taking place in the “undefined” paratextual space between text and reader, product and consumer.

Richard Jenkins explores performative expressions of the relationship between audiences and texts, through a variety of epiphenomenal behaviours he characterizes as “textual poaching” (Jenkins, 1992, 23). Jenkins describes various practices, including “slash fiction” 2 in which fans of popular film or television series take characters and place them within written epitextual scenarios – and “filk music” 3, involving the composition and performance of songs set in or involving characters from those films or series. While the results vary wildly in quality and content, both practices reveal a drive, on the part of readers, towards textual subjects, in which characters, themes, narratives and visual formats are reinterpreted,  re-staged and re-performed to generate meaning and expression beyond canonical or “authorized” origins. Examples of participatory subculture are varied – and enhanced by the internet, which allows for their widespread and instantaneous composition, distribution and exhibition. The increasing capability of home editing software is expanding the scope and sophistication of these participatory subcultures – Gray examines corollaries of textual poaching, including “vids” (2010, 154) or “mash-ups”, in which textual material is cannibalized from film texts, re-cut, arranged to music, and re-presented on YouTube and other websites. Vidding allows viewers to “find their own routes through” (ibid, 153) a text, participating in the meaning creation process by performing a personal interpretation of it.

Gray points out that while vids “appear somewhat trailerish” (ibid, 154), they are crucially designed to comment personally on their target text rather than “sell it per se” (ibid). As Gray argues, the digressive assumption of paratextual form and function goes beyond negative legal-associations of “poaching”, and that performative practices, like slash, filk and vidding, defy “crude ideas of passive, mindless audiences” (ibid, 145) engaged in commercial processes of consumption and disposal. Indeed, vids remove an important temporal aspect of that process, in which the source text is no-longer a future event to be “sold”. While promotional characteristics endure in the paratextual form, their function carries significant expressive potential – diminishing, manipulating and even subverting commercial artefacts for performative effect. The trailer offers a versatile and popular medium for this kind of digressive paratextual practice – formally an advert but functionally a space in which a filmmaker or editor (professional or amateur) may create a cinematic performance.

Klinger’s ideas for receptive digression of the cinematic extend to trailers, which, at both an amateur and professional level, are created as homages, spoofs or pastiches, free from any original commercial purpose. The spoof-trailer (as I refer to it here) differs from the vid as an attempt, first and foremost, to present a recreation of the promotional text, (a promotional “performance”) and to exploit recognition of that format for rhetorical or artistic effect. The absence of conventional commercial purpose creates a specific sort of receptive context, in which performative qualities are emphasised. Kathleen Williams discusses the tendency of spoofs to “play” with the trailer format while “stripping it of its commercial function (Williams, 2009, par.11). In these instances, various commercial conventions are “subverted while also being directly engaged with and utilisied” (ibid, par.9) – for example, the inclusion of MPAA classification certificates denoting age-suitability and content (Fig. 1).

Figure 1

Figure 1

 

More than just an act of simulation, the use of cinematic commercial themes and conventions constitutes a performative gesture. Williams discusses the popular trend of taking specific elements (intertitles and a sombre, acoustic guitar theme) from the trailer for Ang Lee’s Brokeback Mountain (2005) and cutting them into shots from other films to create a “new” trailer. The trend inserts homosexual subtexts into those texts by performing them with Brokeback Mountain’s paratextual identity. 4 An understanding of promotional form and convention is crucial here: specific commercial characteristics facilitate the parody effect. Similar efforts include the famous spoof trailer, Shining 5: a paratextual re-interpretation of Stanley Kubrick’s The Shining (1980), “performed” as a light family comedy about a father attempting to reconnect with his son. Kubrick’s dark and sinister source text is re-cut and accompanied by a jokey voice-over and a musical track by Peter Gabriel 6, tricking us into a new interpretation. These trailer-texts only scratch the surface of a body of online work but each, to a varying extent, engages the viewer in what may be described as cinematic performance – that is, an attempt to convince or persuade via a re-interpretation and specific staging of textual material.

The use of Kubrick and Lee’s work in these examples raises interesting questions on the performance of authorship, as well as the presence of the auteur in a paratextual context. Many commercial trailers, as Marshall Sella notes in a piece for The New York Times, are cut by professional marketing companies – who assume both the role of artist and salesman in their attempt to “distil a feature film into a demographically targeted, two-and-a-half-minute montage” (Sella, 2002, 1). Sella describes the professional development of a trailer as a way of developing a “cinematic language” (ibid.) between directors and audience – yet the role of the trailer editor, to put “butts on seats”, fosters “misconception” (ibid. 8). The spoof trailer codes this uncertainty into its performative appeal – in which the artistry of authorial intent and the machinations of commercialism are woven together. It is the skilled use of source material which becomes important – over and above the content of the material itself. James Boyle explores a similar point in his examination of historical attitudes towards authorship, pointing out a Medieval tendency to “put the work of the scribe and the copyist above that of the authors” (Boyle, 1996, 53). 7 While the dynamic is not entirely similar, it points to an appreciation of the skills of comprehension and interpretation which commercialism may dilute.

Vincenz Hediger extends the notion of performative interpretation, characterizing trailers’ use of source texts as a process of quotation – since they are “made up of almost nothing but quotes” from the films to which they “belong” (Hediger, 2004, 149). In this sense, all trailers may be considered performative in their aim to create and convince potential customers via an interpretation of antecedent textual material – but the fan-made or spoof trailer is often born out of and, indeed, relies on, the actual absence of commercial purpose or, in some cases, even an antecedent film text. Spoof trailers, which lack a commercially-promotable antecedent text, present a problem for paratextual convention: to what extent can they be said to be promotional texts? If they are adverts, what are they advertising? If they are previews, what are they pre-viewing?

These questions have consequences not only for the status of the paratext – but also for cinematic renderings of space and time. Read as previews or adverts for upcoming films, trailers occupy the paratextual threshold. They look forward to a future cinematic moment, but employ footage depicting events in the past – that have “already happened” – and in this sense simultaneously look backwards. In the case of the spoof, that future moment (“coming soon”) is intended, and understood to be, illusory – the trailer is the moment – and temporal references to an antecedent text (in the past or “coming soon”) are rendered entirely virtual. By setting up this chronological lens, the trailer creates a performance of time. It evokes Gilles Deleuze’s notion of the “crystal image” (Deleuze, 1989, 69) which reflects the facets of time: the actual and the virtual. Hediger interprets the temporal aspect of the trailer’s performance as a psychological “technique of memory”, appealing to the Lacanian notion of futurum exactum:

the futurum exactum is the tense of desire, the tense of imaginary anticipation and of anticipated memory… one could argue that trailers create a desire to see the film by showing the film as one remembers it, or rather by showing the film one has not yet seen as one would remember it if one had already seen it, i.e. as a collection of excerpts of visually and emotionally strong moments. (Hediger, 2004, 156)

Hediger paraphrases the futurum exactum as a “remembrance of things to come” (ibid.) and the spoof trailer offers a chance to experience that concept in its purest sense – as part of a performed virtual timeline. The content of the spoof trailer’s performance (of time, genre, narrative, spectacle) – may be geared towards a variety of effects (humour, parody, affect) but it is its format, as a subverted, digressive incarnation of the paratext, which facilitates its unique receptive quality. One of the most well-known examples of the spoof sub-genre is the trailer for Machete, part of the Quentin Tarantino and Robert Rodriguez’s double-feature, Grindhouse (2007). 8 The film is a tribute to the 70s-era subculture of B-movie, double-feature exploitation cinema of low-rent auditoriums in New York city 9 intended for “thrill-seeking” audiences with a “growing tolerance for sex and violence” (Waddell, 2009, 35). In Grindhouse, the double-feature gimmick extends to an in-film interval, between Rodriguez’s feature Planet Terror and Tarantino’s Deathproof. The interval comes complete with adverts for “local” restaurants and other establishments – and, notably, trailers for “coming attractions” (Fig. 2):

Figure 2

Figure 2

 

The trailers are made by filmmakers specially-invited to contribute to the performance. They include paratexts for Edgar Wright’s Hammer Film homage, Don’t and Eli Roth’s slasher-horror, Thanksgiving. The films exhibit many of the thematic elements of the grindhouse subgenre: extreme violence, misogyny and a variety of explicit scenes. None were linked to an exterior commercial entity upon the release of Grindhouse yet their presence performatively deepens the cinematic experience as fake promotional, commercial ancillaries. These contributions reference and reflect the same participatory urge as the wealth of amateur fan-made content found on the internet, exploring the spectrum of influences and attitudes to this cinematic canon through eye-catching paratextual performances of genre, narrative and form.

TAP Figure 3

Figure 3

 

Rodriguez’ Machete spoof trailer (Fig. 3) is particularly noteworthy since its success and effectiveness actually led to its development as a feature film, independent of the Grindhouse label. Although lacking an antecedent commercial product, the original Machete trailer is indistinguishable from similar promotional texts. Its presence as part of Grindhouse performs a cinematic sub-genre: its themes, historical legacy and affective power. Machete achieves this, primarily, through formal characteristics: the spoof interval-segment opens with a lurid, deliberately archaic title animation (Fig. 3), itself bookended with other paratextual paraphernalia, like adverts for nearby restaurants. The grindhouse performance deepens: this is not a chance to browse a historical document, the trailer aims to situate an audience, not just in some sort of crystalline promotional time-warp, but also a geographic fantasy-space. Formal elements continue the performative rhetoric: the trailer’s film-stock is deliberately aged, and dotted with conspicuous scratches, blurs and missing shots. The film lacks the crisp, high-definition quality of modern exhibition, instead offering the low-resolution, grainy texture of micro-budget exploitation productions. The hyperreality of the Grindhouse experience is obvious and, for Rodriguez, crucial, as he points out in an interview with Wired’s Robert La Franco:

We want the movie to look like it’s been out on the circuit for a couple of years, all scratched and deteriorated, lots of wear and tear… We were able to do all of that digitally, It’s almost a step backward, because we’re using technology to emulate an old camera system. It’s kind of like the early days of CDs, when everyone thought the   sound was too clean – companies would add the effect of the record scratching to ease  people in (La Franco, 2007, par.5).

The trailer continues to distinguish itself from mere historical recreation – and in a manner which goes beyond visible, formal characteristics. Machete is not a period piece or a window through time, nor is it merely a clever joke. In addition to its humorous excesses and satiric overtures, Machete is built around the psychological contract of the futurum exactum – and exploits the “tense of desire” skilfully. Viewers are asked not to evaluate the trailer as disposable advertisement for product, but to explore it in the futurum exactum as living text – reading it as a manifestation of genre, narrative, spectacle, space and time: a cinematic performance.

Perpetuating this notion that Machete is not just historical curio is its content, which transplants grindhouse characteristics – sexual and gender themes, violence, misogyny – and performs them in contemporary contexts. The narrative, such as it is, involves an illegal Mexican immigrant to the US, known as “Machete” (Danny Trejo), who becomes involved in an assassination plot, before being double-crossed by his employers – a shady cabal of American politicians led by a scheming senator. Notions of revenge and exploitation are articulated immediately and used to serve the metatextual aims of the trailer and the contemporary resonance of the narrative. Shots function in the tense of desire as convincing simulacra of genuine promotional quotations. The story of Trejo’s Machete is mimetic: he articulates the exploitation dynamic which audiences are, ironically, paying to experience. Threadbare, scarred, conventionally unattractive and uncharismatic, Machete is sidelined and presented in the mis-en-scène in a manner befitting the seedy grindhouse oeuvre (Fig. 4), but atypical of conventional action filmmaking in which, as Yvonne Tasker points out, the “body of the star as hero” is coded as an impressive, awe-inspiring “spectacle” (Tasker, 1993, 76):

Figure 4

Figure 4

Machete‘s narrative performance extends to ethnicity and politics: Machete lines up with other illegal migrants on a work line, a corrupted but recognizable version of the American Dream. These humble beginnings deliver unexpected opportunity: a job which will reward his particular skills in a highly proportionate way (a briefcase full of money). Like his fellow illegal immigrants, Machete is exploited, in this case very literally, by the United States government. Placing money at the centre of the trailer’s political discourse is another performative gesture, exposing the text’s exploitative drive on a number of levels. Mexican workers are a commodity and Machete himself is a literal tool (or weapon), overlooked and dismissed until he becomes dangerous – when the senator double-crosses him (exploiting him too egregiously). As a powerful, active presence in the diegesis, Machete’s body is a focus point for the trailer, performing a dynamic observed by Tasker in action cinema, in which power and weakness are crucial to readings of masculinity:

The proliferation of images of the built male body represents for critics like Barbara Creed the kind of deconstructive performativity associated with postmodernism, whilst for others they articulate, in their ‘promotion of power and the fear of weakness’, traditional images are also ‘deeply reactionary’ (ibid, 74).

Machete’s exploitative performance take place across a range of thematic discourses, offering commentary on violence, taboo and sexuality within promotional contexts. Machete is brutally wounded – and brutally wounds others – against a backdrop of bloodshed, nudity and strong language. An explicit encounter with naked women in a swimming pool exposes the prudishness of contemporary advertising conventions by transparently evoking the voyeuristic appeal of film. A priest vengefully executes a defenceless man in a corruption of the confessional relationship. These moments of outrage, titillation, shock and erotica reveal a text designed for reception in the tense of desire, in which stylised, episodic moments may occur without context or narrative connection.

Figure 5

Figure 5

Machete’s performative appeal goes as far as to include a male voice-over narration, delivering short bursts of descriptive information in a clipped, staccato tone:

VOICE OVER: Setup… double-crossed… and left for dead!

  He knows the score… he gets the women… and he kills the bad guys!

                              Action… Suspense… Emotion!

The voice-over adds little descriptive relevance to the imagery but serves to nakedly pander to an imagined audience and deepen the performative effect of promotional context. The voice-over’s tone is interesting: terse, almost confrontational, it is in one sense a literal performance, but is also a manifestation of genre: performing both the gender discourse and thematic violence associated with action cinema and packaging it for that perceived audience. The trailer’s narrator extends the identity of the Grindhouse performance from a purely visual effect. The narrator’s aggressive, hectoring tone lends complexion to Machete’s performance, creating an audio aspect, in which the audience is addressed directly – and further assumes the commercial role of “exploited” grindhouse crowd (“action… suspense… emotion!”). Once again, Machete’s lack of a feature antecedent is crucial to its performative effect, offering the spectator distance to read the text free from a conventional, pejorative commercial yoke.

The success of the original Machete prompted the development of a 2010 feature film of the same name, directed by Rodriguez and starring Trejo. The commercially-released film, carrying the spirit of the original’s exploitative performance, received its own trailer and offers an interesting opportunity to compare the two releases. 10

Figure 6

Figure 6

The register of the commercial trailer is similar to the spoof – retaining versions of the narrative and style but losing certain performative characteristics. A real need to sell tickets means formal commercial components – such as lists of stars (including Robert De Niro, Lindsay Lohan and Jessica Alba) – find their way in (Fig. 6), while commercial turn-offs are dropped: gone are the film-stock scratches and deliberately poor audio/visual quality. Most fascinating is the absence of depictions of violence prominent in the original – now absorbed into an increased presence of female characters and an associated sexual aesthetic:

Figure 7

Figure 7

 

The conflation of violence into the commercial trailer’s erotic aesthetic is itself a gesture towards the sexual politics and gender discourse of its antecedent feature film. It evokes a post-modern self-referentiality characterized by Marc O’Day as a “a series of gender transactions and… gender thefts” in which “qualities of masculinity and femininity, activity and passivity, are traded over the bodies of action heroes and heroines” (O’Day, 2004, 203). The commercial Machete trailer performs its action-genre identity boldly, collapsing notions of sexuality and physicality by offering “a contradictory set of images of female desirability” (Tasker, 1993, 14). The trend is embodied in the 2010 trailer’s female characters, who take on those absent violent overtures (Fig. 7). Jessica Alba’s character leads a band of riotous migrant workers (“We didn’t cross the border, the border crossed us!”), Michelle Rodriguez’s character suffers an eye-injury, forcing her to wear a patch and Lindsay Lohan’s character dresses as a nun while provocatively licking the barrel of a pistol.

The performative complexion of each Machete trailer is different: the 2010 trailer serves as a postmodern reinterpretation of genuine commercial purpose, while the spoof includes that same commercial purpose as an integral part of its textual effect. The re-positioning of the commercial as part of a textual register evokes Kernan’s “shop window” analogy:

Trailer spectatorship increases the implied distance of the speculative consumer contemplation involved in cinematic window shopping; it also removes the commitment to enter the familiar contract of “suspension of disbelief” entailed in the process of watching a complete narrative film (we aren’t “buying it”), doubly distancing spectators from either a lived-world agency or an imaginary one (2004, 6).

The original Machete codes “distance” into its register – so far as to ask the viewer not to look through the “shop window” but to look at the product and the window at the same time, in a performance of the commercial dynamic. Trappings of the paratextual are involved in readings of Machete to the extent that a component part of the experience involves “being-sold-to”. Machete’s receptive process, including Kernan’s distance-effect, references the aesthetic of novelty and spectacular artifice which Tom Gunning attributes to early cinema. Early cinema’s performative periphery is well-known: Gunning references “showmen exhibitors” (Gunning, 1990, 58) re-editing their films and supplying “off-screen supplements, such as sound effects and spoken commentary” (ibid.). In these formative contexts, Gunning argues, audiences went “to see machines demonstrated” (ibid.) and this same revelatory dynamic characterizes the trailer – as audiences apply an extra level of textual scrutiny to the text-as-product. While Gunning’s “cinema of attractions” (ibid, 59) is characterized by “the recurring look at the camera” (ibid.), that feature is translated, in the promotional text, to moments of novel spectacle (special effects, genre, star performances) along with transparent commercial adornments, like actor names and release date information. The lack of conventional commercial purpose in the original Machete focuses its performative power: a translation and exaggeration of those same efforts to “rupture a self-enclosed fictional world for a chance to solicit the attention of the spectator” (ibid).

This prominent appeal to the spectator-as-customer brings the spoof trailer’s register back to its curious treatment of time, in which the intuitively-paradoxical “remembrance of things to come” (a never-to-be-released film) is a crucial part of the performative effect. Imagery in the trailer, presented in often-bewildering streams of disparate narrative moments constitutes what Hediger calls “virtual memory” (Hediger, 2004, 156), evoking Deleuze’s crystal-image and the idea of Genette’s paratextual “threshold” – in this case, positioned between the temporal concepts of the actual and virtual. According to Deleuze, the crystal-image reveals “deeper and deeper layers of reality and higher and higher levels of memory or thought” (1989, 69) by collapsing “perception and recollection, the real and the imaginary, the physical and the mental, or rather their images … around a point of indiscernability” (ibid.).

The trailer, in its performance of the anticipated, virtual future, enacts David Rodowick’s description of the crystal image, by flaying the “chronological continuum […] shaving past, present and future into distinct series, discontinuous and incommensurable” (Rodowick, 1997, 3). As performance, the trailer offers a new approach to Deleuze’s vision for cinema: a representation of time freed from the perceptive constraints of movement – and rendered as a process of “transformation or becoming” (Ishii-González, 2004, 130) – from past, present and future. The spoof trailer exists entirely in the crystalline: exhibiting images from the past, during a performance in the present, towards a virtual future moment that will never come. It aestheticizes the virtual by promoting contemplation of the creation and future experience of a non-existent feature film.

Read as performance, the trailer extends discussion of Klinger’s theories of digressive reading, Kernan’s construction of audiences and, most significantly, Deleuze’s representations of time. It problematises current definitions of the paratext, and makes available new contexts of cinematic reception. While performative elements are strikingly present in the commercial trailer, the spoof trailer, lacking that same purpose, is a space dedicated to paratextual expression and experience. Machete’s performance – of an exploitative cinematic experience – demonstrates the extent to which the trailer has become a powerful and expressive tool, but its effectiveness is not restricted to feature film promotion. Indeed, the possibility of creating “cinematic performance”, by assuming the form of the trailer, is an opportunity for other texts to benefit from its affective potency and communicate with readers in the tense of desire. Many media types now clothe themselves in trailer form to create cinematic performances. In 2010, George R.R. Martin’s fantasy novel A Dance With Dragons received a “trailer” 11, complete with animated intertitles and bold, orchestral score (Fig. 8), articulating the book’s cinematic character:

Figure 8

Figure 8

 

Video-games, with their implicit valuing of audio/visual technology, frequently deliver cinematic performance in promotional contexts – such as the trailer for 2011’s Modern Warfare 3 (Fig. 9). 12 Given the expressive freedom of their simulated worlds, the cinematic performance of a modern video-game becomes hyperreal, involving Baudrillardian simulation of “the cinematographic effects actual cameras are used to achieve, such as panning, close ups, craning and dollying” (Tavinor, 2009, 112). The effect goes as far as to performatively include cinematic idiosyncrasies, such as “depth of focus variations or lens glare” (ibid.).

Figure 9

Figure 9

 

Using trailers to create a cinematic performance has become high value cultural currency – so much so that 2012 Republican Party nominee, Rick Perry, released a campaign advert which was, for all intents and purposes a film trailer. The “polit-trailer”, Proven Leadership (Fig. 10) features a bombastic orchestral score, slickly-animated intertitles and a synthesized narrative of hardship, redemption and triumph. 13 The polit-trailer is a clear indication of communicative ambition and an attempt to perform the political process in the style of a feel-good Hollywood blockbuster, with a familiar, affective narrative. Whatever the viewer’s political predilection, it is hard not to respond to Proven Leadership by reading the text as promotion for an upcoming film.

Figure 10

Figure 10

 

The performative power of the spoof trailer demonstrates the need for a re-interpretation of theories of reception and definitions of the paratext. Traditionally, the trailer is thought of as advertisement, but the spoof recalibrates that purpose – targeted not at customers, but at audiences – not as a paratext, but as a text. The trailer’s popular presence in television and in cinema is well-established, but recent trends increasingly prompt re-evaluations of their value and potential. 14 Whether the performance is a joke, an homage or an integral part of a larger artistic entity, the trailer carves out cultural space for itself – exposing and shifting perceptions of promotional texts and generating new spaces for cinematic expression. The trailer taps into our desire to explore and savour the tense of desire – aestheticizing anticipation by exporting the cinematic beyond the theatre, into a multitude of exterior mediums and cultural spheres. Affective, spectacular, humorous and enjoyable – trailers no longer sell films – they sell themselves.

 

Daniel Hesford is a writer and PhD Candidate at the University of Edinburgh under the supervision of Dr. Kriss Ravetto.  His research focuses on theories of reception, promotion and paratextuality and the artistic status of the film trailer in a wider cinematic culture. He has taught seminars on European and World Cinema and has contributed to articles in The Independent and N-Gamer on the science of film and video-game trailers. In 2013, he organized a conference on film trailers: Titles, Teasers and Trailers at the University of Edinburgh.

 

Bibliography

Deleuze, Gilles. Cinema 2: The Time Image. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam. London: The Athlone Press, 1989.

Genette, Gérard. Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Translated by Jane E. Lewin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Grainge, Paul. Brand Hollywood: Selling Entertainment in a Global Media Age. London: Routledge, 2008.

Gray, Jonathan. Show Sold Separately: Promos, Spoilers and Other Media Paratexts. New York: NYU Press, 2010.

Gunning, Tom. “Cinema of Attractions: Early Film, its Spectator and the Avant-Garde” in Early Cinema: Space, Frame, Narrative. Ed. Thomas Elsaesser. London: British Film Institute, 1990. 58-59.

Hallenbeck, Bruce G. Comedy Horror Films: A Chronological History, 1914 – 2008. North Carolina: MacFarland and Company, 2009.

Hediger, Vincenz. “A Cinema of Memory in the Future Tense: Godard Trailers and Godard Trailers” in Forever Godard, edited by James Williams, Michael Temple, Michael Witt, 141-159. London: Black Dog Publishing, 2004.

Ishii-González, Sam. “Hitchcock With Deleuze” in Hitchcock: Past and Future, edited by Richard Allen and Sam Ishii-González. London: Routledge, 2004. 128-145.

Jenkins, Henry. Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture. London: Routledge, 1992.

Johnston, Keith M. Coming Soon: The Selling of Hollywood Technology. London: MacFarland and Company, 2009.

Kernan, Lisa. Coming Attractions: Reading American Movie Trailers. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004.

King, Geoff. New Hollywood Cinema: An Introduction. London: I.B Tauris, 2002.

Klinger, Barbara. “Digressions at the Cinema: Reception and Mass Culture”. Cinema Journal 28: 4 (1989): 3-19

La Franco, Robert. “Robert Rodriguez: The outlaw director on resurrecting grindhouse and pressing Quentin Tarantino to shoot digital”. Wired, 15:04, March, 2007. Accessed January 22, 2013, http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/15.04/robert.html

O’Day, Marc. “Beauty In Motion: Gender, spectacle and action babe cinema” in Action and Adventure Cinema, edited by Yvonne Tasker. New York: Routledge, 2004. 201-218.

Rodowick, David. Gilles Deleuze’s Time Machine. London: Duke University Press, 1997.

Sella, Marshal. “The 150-Second Sell, Take 34”. The New York Times, July 28, 2002. Accessed March 1, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2002/07/28/magazine/the-150-second-sell-take-34.html?pagewanted=8&src=pm

Tasker, Yvonne. Spectacular Bodies: Gender, Genre and the Action Cinema. London: Routledge, 1993.

Tavinor, Grant. The Art of Videogames. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009.

Tryon, Chuck. Reinventing Cinema: Movies in the age of media convergence. London: Rutgers University Press, 2009.

Waddell, Callum. Jack Hill: The Exploitation and Blaxploitation Master, Film by Film. London: MacFarland & Company, 2009.

Williams, Kathleen. “Never Coming to a Theatre Near You: Recut Film Trailers”. M/C Journal 12: 2 (2009) Accessed January 22, 2013, http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/139.

 

Filmography

Brokeback Mountain (Ang Lee, 2005).

Grindhouse (Robert Rodriguez and Quentin Tarantino, 2007).

Machete (Robert Rodriguez, 2010).

The Shining (Stanley Kubrick, 1980).

Tropic Thunder (Ben Stiller, 2008).

 

Frames # 3 Promotional Materials 05-07-2013. This article © Daniel Hesford. This article has been blind peer-reviewed.

Notes:

  1. According to Paul Grainge, “marketing budgets continued to soar in the nineties, rising from $10 million in 1990 to $31 million in 1999” (Grainge, 2008, 134).
  2. Henry Jenkins describes “slash” fiction as “the convention of employing a stroke or ‘slash’ to signify a same-sex relationship between two characters” (Jenkins, 1992, 186).
  3. “filking” is “another point of entry into the cultural logic of fandom… Just as a fan writer may develop a story around the character… a filker may develop a song”. (ibid, 252).
  4. The varied results include Brokeback to the Future, lampooning Robert Zemeckis’ sci-fi adventure Back To The Future (1985),  and The Brokeback Redemption, involving Frank Darabont’s prison drama The Shawshank Redemption (1994).
  5. Shining“, accessed January 22, 2013.
  6. Peter Gabriel’s Solisbury Hill has become notorious as “a song movie previews often include to market films with a romantic or emotional subtext” (Tryon, 2009, 161).
  7. [Medieval writers] valued extant old books more highly than any recent elucubrations and they put the work of the scribe and the copyist above that of the authors. The real task of the scholar was not the vain excogitation of novelties but a discovery of great old books, their multiplication and the placing of copies where they would be accessible to future generations of readers (Boyle, 1996, 53).
  8. The Machete trailer is now a textual part of the DVD version of Rodriguez’s Planet Terror – but was exhibited theatrically as part of the Grindhouse double-feature. “Machete Trailer (Grindhouse Version)“, accessed January 22, 2013.
  9. Bruce G. Hallenbeck describes writer-director Frank Henenlotter as being weaned on the “sleazy” exploitation films of “New York City’s grindhouses” (Hallenbeck, 2009, 168).
  10. Several versions of the 2010 Machete trailer exist. For this essay, I use the version most similar to the 2008 spoof. The “Cinco De Mayo Trailer” includes a direct-to-camera address by Danny Trejo who describes the preview as “a special message… to Arizona!” – referencing the state’s hard-line stance on Mexican immigration. Accessed January 22, 2013.
  11. George R R Martin – A Dance With Dragons Trailer“, accessed January 22, 2013.
  12. Official Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 3 Launch Trailer“, accessed January 22, 2013.
  13. Rick Perry – Proven Leadership“, accessed January 22, 2013.
  14. Grindhouse’s spoof collection was followed by a segment in Ben Stiller’s big-budget war-comedy, Tropic Thunder (2008), in which the movie-star main characters were narratively introduced to audiences via spoof trailers for their diegetic, fictional filmographies.

Aspirational paratexts: the case of “quality openers” in TV promotion

 

If you take the title sequence away from the movie, it becomes a different movie. 1

The past fifteen years have seen a return of the opening title sequence as an object of scholarly interest, with the creative industry devoting consistent resources to its implementation. Openers have become an essential feature of media branding, proving a valuable output to launch creative studios and establish synergies between different sectors of the entertainment business. This essay looks at the functions of openers in the context of 21st century American television and, more specifically, the role of “quality” “contemplative” title sequences in the promotion of series airing on premium cable channels. This focus helps to understand their promotional function, offering a preliminary exploration of the scholarly methodology applied in their analysis. To this end, the article closes with a study of the main titles of Homeland (Showtime 2011-present), whose negative reception invites further investigation into the evolution of this cinematographic form.

 

The borderland of the audiovisual text

In the 1960s, the work of visual artists like Saul Bass and Maurice Binder brought the title sequences of Hollywood films to the attention of critics, turning into a significant vehicle of identification for movies and designers. Bass, especially, is often regarded as the father of title sequence aesthetics. Pat Kirkham underlines his contribution to a new formulation of the relationship between film and design, writing that Bass’s “images of intense clarity and subtle ambiguities transformed not only how titles were seen but also how they were conceptualized and regarded”. 2 Bass’s work on The Seven Year Itch (1955), Vertigo (1958), and North by Northwest (1959) keeps company, in the hall of fame of ‘classic’ openers, to other acclaimed title sequences like those of The Pink Panther (by David H. DePatie and Friz Freleng, 1964) and James Bond (by Maurice Binder, 1962). Many have since taken inspiration from these works, turning credits into culturally relevant contents that enrich the viewer’s engagement with a film, a TV programme, and lately, with videogames and festivals. 3 Today, the growth of design studios specialising in their production attests to an on-going “design revival” of the visual arts. 4 These works elicit attention for their ability to stylise the essential features of audiovisual productions by means of aestheticised spectacles and cutting-edge animation. The positive interest that surrounds them inspires investigation of their composite nature.

An introductory definition of the title sequence, also called “opener” and “main titles,” is that of a brief audiovisual form (ranging from a few seconds to two minutes in length), which, placed at the beginning of a film and TV programme (either before its start or a few minutes into it), lists production, cast and crew credits and the distributor’s trademark logo. In spite of its growing prominence in popular culture, there exists little criticism on it. 5 The available articles and essays adopt two distinct, but interrelated analytic approaches that emphasise its “dysfunctional” nature, existing between “division and integration” with a media production. 6

On the one hand is the production emphasis on the opener as a standalone aesthetic element. The Creative Arts Primetime Emmys convention includes the category of “Outstanding Main Title Design” that selects the best openers in television programming, while the South by SouthWest film conference (SXSW) offers a screening session of “Film Titles Design” that includes TV titles. Credits are treated like “an experimental form of cinema”, 7 their level of self-containment and aesthetic coherence conferring on them a seemingly autonomous status. Judges regard them as works of art in their own right, with evaluations based on the formal and compositional properties of sound, editing, typography, computer animation. The work of Bass is the most representative of this discourse of artistic self-containment. Steven Spielberg’s statement that he was “one of the best film makers of this, or any other time” evidences the status of standalone works of art that producers confer to title sequences. 8

However, this aesthetic bias often elides the analysis of their other uses and the relationship entertained with the work they introduce. Serving an array of diversified purposes (from art and fashion to certification of employment and entertainment), the opener is a “complex” cinematic form “in which an astounding number of operations are tightly interwoven”. 9 According to Georg Stanitzek, “[i]n its selection and strict coupling of singular elements, the title […] references the film that follows and, reconsolidating allusions, makes self-reference to the form of the title sequence itself”. 10 In its status of “analytic synthesis” of medium and form, the opener never constitutes an alternative to a movie, functioning rather as a supplement that exists in a relation of co-dependence with it. 11

Deeply embedded in these dynamics, the title employs aesthetic sophistication to capture the tone, genre and narrative aspects of a production. Peter Frankfurt and Karin Fong, who created the openers of Boardwalk Empire (HBO 2010-present), Rubicon (AMC 2010) and Mad Men (AMC 2008-present), observe that credits exist to reference the series they introduce to the point that one cannot exist without the other. 12

Fig 1 Rubicon

Rubicon credits

 

Their highly stylised form arranges a hierarchy of meanings that conveys a compendium of larger narrative and thematic concerns, proving viewers with a “preferred arrangement of reading and commentary”. 13 Taking Joshua Alston’s comment that “if the story is the dream, the title sequence is the sedative,” it can be added that this sedative is primarily a textual one, which mediates the knowledge of an upcoming spectacle, dressing its industrial/legal function in an evocative, synoptical aesthetics. 14

The work of Gérard Genette on paratexts is illustrative in this respect. 15 Writing about print media, Genette contends that the reception of a text is the result of a two-way relationship with the reader that is mediated by both the book proper and the materials existing on and outside of its borderland – covers, epigraphs, notes. Paratexts, as the subtitle of his book suggests, constitute the “thresholds of interpretation” where different worlds meet and possibly collide. This approach works also for audiovisual media. Drawing on Genette’s research, Jonathan Gray explores the uses of promotional materials to create the “hype” that draws audiences to the big and small screens. 16 Although he focuses on marketing strategies, the notion that these materials act as the “greeters, gatekeepers, and cheerleaders for and of the media” applies to openers as well. 17 Just like posters and trailers, the opener provides the “early frames through which we will […] evaluate textual consumption”. 18 In an extremely compressed framework, it aggregates the salient features of a production, creating a synoptic storyboard that is allusive of narrative motifs and the extradiegetic.

Yet, title sequences are a peculiar kind of promotional material, existing as “an individual form within the medium of a particular film”. 19 After all, if we are sitting in the theatre, it means that we are already persuaded to watch a movie or a show, with the opener being a part of the spectacle. This relationship, where division and integration coexist, blurs the boundaries of the two cinematic forms. Anna Zagala writes that there exists a “volatile” connection between film titles and the film, which develops according to “the poetic and absurd possibilities” of a “dynamic in-between space”. 20 Laying at the edges of the spectacle, the credits manage how we access an audiovisual narrative and what kind of knowledge we create about it. “Here the film is in the process of becoming, where distinctions between outside and inside dissolve, and the film undergoes the difficult, exhilarating passage towards suspended disbelief”. 21 The supposed seamlessness that makes a film appear to its audience as a coherent unit is actually the effect of a ‘wrapping up’ enacted by the credits, where various purposes come together in suggestive ways. 22

Indeed, as opposed to trailers and featurettes, which operate at a temporal and spatial distance from the work they advertise, the opener is already part of the entertainment experience. 23 Any exploration necessarily needs to straddle different analytic perspectives (regarding its production and reception) in order to understand the “combination of redundancy and variety” enacted by the multi-functional status of this audiovisual form. 24 The following arguments draw on the “quality” argument to investigate the production philosophy of TV openers.

 

TV openers and the quality argument

Particularly in the context of contemporary television, the opener has become a central instrument of industrial re-definition. This is in marked contrast to the 1980s and 1990s, when, with notable exceptions like The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air (NBC 1990-96) and Twin Peaks (ABC 1990-91), the opener was treated like “a half-hearted afterthought” that attracted few resources and creativity. 25 Fear of losing viewers to an array of emerging competitors drove American networks to develop shorter sequences, and some executives to propose their elimination. The changes that have been taking place in the early 2000s and the mounting resources and interest devoted to these paratexts, however, attest to a significant transformation that has economic and cultural implications.

In “TV’s Golden Age of Opening Titles,” John Sellers celebrates the recent birth of the “quality opener”. 26 This label refers to the type of iconic main titles that in the last decade have been created to introduce ‘cult’ shows like Six Feet Under (HBO 1999- 2005), Dexter (Showtime 2006- present) and Game of Thrones (HBO 2011- present). These sequences stand out for their ability to encapsulate thematic concerns in iconic ways, “serving as a threshold between the diegetic and non-diegetic world” that provide aestheticized ways to contextualise the production details of the series. 27

Fig 2 GoThrones

Game of Thrones credits

 

Their commitment to detail, self-reflexive status, high-production values and use of advanced animation technology in fact conflate in a rich audiovisual experience and the object of mounting audience interest. 28 The creative boost injected in this production field is often seen as a consequence of the involvement of directors and designers previously associated with the big-screen industry. Sellers’s article mentions that a “film-to-TV-transition” is affecting the realisation of main title sequences, concurring to elevate television’s cultural standards. 29 Stacey Abbott similarly highlights the positive effects of this aesthetic hybridisation on the openers of TV series. 30

Focusing on the horror genre, she examines the sequences of American Horror Story (FX 2011- present) and The Walking Dead (AMC 2010- present) realised by Prologue Films, the design company run by Kyle Cooper, creator of the acclaimed titles of Se7en (1995).

Fig 3 AHStory

American Horror Story credits

 

In the latter case, the titles employ visual motifs of urban decay and empty picture frames to evoke the narrative themes of the series. Their semiotic richness conveys The Walking Dead’s intent to explore the meaning of being human in inhuman situations, employing the oppressive atmosphere of “dark visuals, jittery, hand-held camera style, [and] jarring jump cut editing” typical of Cooper’s “grunge aesthetics”. 31 In the case of American Horror Story, Cooper’s signature proved to be an important promotional vehicle. The titles were broadcast in advance of the premiere of the series which, created by Ryan Murphy and Brad Falchuk, producers of the decidedly non-horror series Glee (Fox 2009- present), raised audience preoccupations concerning the generic identity of FX’s show. By deploying Cooper’s grunge mark, the anticipated airing of the credits “went a long way toward alleviating those concerns and generated much online discussion about the meaning of the credits and their implication for the show”. 32

A distinctive marker of contemporary television, the adoption of cinematic standards refers to the evolution of the medium’s politics in its post-network phase. 33 Indeed, scholars contend that the enhanced look and style of recent TV series, linked to the participation of Hollywood talent and feature companies, constitutes “an even more important marker of the quality now expected by demographically desirable viewers”. 34 However, the use of the term “quality” to describe ambitious title sequences is fraught with evaluative implications, as it connects the new economics behind their production with an effort to pursue the values of high culture. Formal concerns with an aestheticisation of televisual narratives seem to be concurring in the “renaissance” of TV design that extends the high-end presumptions of the series’s ‘proper’ to their paratextual apparatus. 35

In her assessment of the inherent “goodness” of quality openers like those of Game of Thrones, Alice Rawsthorn pursues a similar line of analysis. 36 Commenting on the global success of this and other “intelligently made television shows”, she observes that their “ambitious” aesthetics evokes early 1960s precedents. 37 Notoriously, the post-war decade represents the “golden age” of television, a period “when serious people could take TV seriously,” largely thanks to the way tele-theatre mobilised the standards of modernist culture for a growing population of television users. 38 Today, advocates of TV’s “quality” turn similarly praise the commitment that many of the above mentioned shows devote not only to their realistic approach to socially relevant issues, but also their “stylistic integrity”. 39 Far from being just technical means to frame narrative concerns, production choices regarding editing, camera movement, soundtrack, and lighting concur to influence the audience’s experience of the spectacle, what Sarah Cardwell terms their “glossiness of style…open[ing] up the potential for rich, repeated viewing”. 40

The status of openers as “essential viewing” exposes their iconic relevance as symbols of TV’s renewed artistic aspirations. 41 Although, the title sequence remains a largely underappreciated component of a TV programme, there is a growing demand by audiences which “now expect to feel something before the show starts—and not to be simply introduced to a cast”. 42 Looking at the analytics of online video aggregators, it emerges that openers are beginning to enjoy a rising popularity as their own genre of entertainment, eliciting user commentary and inspiring forms of bottom-up remixing that often reformulate the narrative priorities of the shows. 43 The next section discusses the industrial policies behind these ambitions of quality, showing that the production choices of openers function as a tool of branding and differentiation for premium cable channels.

 

Contemplative openers

The proliferation of ambitious openers should not be taken as proof of a radical transformation of the TV’s policies. While, ideally, openers are regarded as if they were “abstract cinema”, 44 those which benefit from the care and resources devoted to “quality” productions remain rare. They are, rather, a disputed object of concern – as they are not a direct source of revenue, observes Danny Yount from Digital Kitchen studio, “there’s not always a lot of enthusiasm about [them]”. 45

Although this statement apparently contradicts the argument of the previous section, it exposes the complexities of the American TV landscape, where the absence of state-sponsored platforms ties quality standards to the different economic arrangements of channels. In the present industrial context, “interstitials” like openers acquire great importance as “little instruction manuals on how to read TV”. 46 Since, as John Ellis writes, “[t]hey show how television regards itself”, these contents that cannot be  classified as ‘programme proper’ provide a privileged means to understand the changes undergone by the medium in its present phase. 47 Catherine Johnson’s study of the “communicative ethos” of US television makes reference to the precarious status of credits, focusing on their disappearance from national networks. 48 Arguably, media planning in the USA is “particularly concerned with the bottom line and with ensuring that the non-advertising texts within the interstitials are generating revenue”. 49 In an effort to discourage viewers from switching channels between programmes, the networks are either doing entirely away with openers, switching to title cards (as in the case of Lost [ABC 2004-10] and Grey’s Anatomy [ABC 2005-present]), or postponing them in what are known as “cold starts”, where the sequence airs a few minutes into the beginning of the actual programme.

Fig 4 Lost

Lost credits

Grey's Anatomy

Grey’s Anatomy credits

 

Commenting on this disappearance, Ellis compares quality openers to the “hardback binding on a book, denoting quality, seriousness of intent and the buyer’s willingness to pay more”. 50 His reading highlights that credits sit at the heart of a reconfiguration of entertainment standards, where “quality” and “sophistication” work to alleviate the effects of a new economy of scarcity while simultaneous setting up cultural hierarchies. The effect of these changes is that the kind of imaginative openers praised by critics is quickly becoming an exclusive staple of premium channels. While economic needs and the pressures of advertisers are forcing the national networks to maximise on revenue and cut on interstitials, platforms like Showtime, FX and HBO are unencumbered by such preoccupations. Since their revenues are generated by viewer subscriptions, their mission is to offer audiences something ‘more’ and ‘better’ than regular TV. For this reason, openers and other interstitials work as a branding vehicle and a means of differentiation for competing channels. Their stylish and engaging spectacle becomes a deluxe addendum that provides supposedly memorable entertainment to those willing to pay extra for their chosen pastime.

In this respect, high-production values and artistic standards concur to mark the cultural currency of a series, with the audiovisual excellence of its opener functioning as an effective tool of programme branding. Productions apply the standards of advertising and cinema to title design to perform quality, setting, in Ellis’s definition, a “contemplative pace” into the action that brands them as purveyors of “elegance and perfection”. 51 The posture entices viewers and sets mood, turning description into iconicity and eliciting instant recognition of a series. The time spent watching a contemplative opener serves to “pace” the pleasures of entertainment, a luxury afforded by the subscriptions that allow premium channels to eschew commercial interruptions. 52 Here, narrative and thematic concerns are extrapolated and re-contextualised in sequences that establish levels of correct reading via the inclusion of extratextual elements drawn from literature, cinema and painting. 53

Showtime exemplifies how premium platforms employ contemplative openers to define the channel’s distance from regular TV. The success of its original productions like Dexter and Californication (2008- present) made the channel an undisputed source of cutting-edge entertainment. In some cases, the openers of these series have elicited as much positive attention as their referring programmes. Dexter and The Borgias (2011-present) are illustrative of this phenomenon. The former’s credits chronicle the morning routine of serial killer Dexter Morgan (Michael C. Hall) in extreme close-ups, with a jump-cut editing and accompanied by Daniel Litch’s “dorky” “Blood Theme”. 54 They have become synonymous with the superb aesthetics of quality openers, with critics naming them “a mini-masterpiece”, still “the best on TV” after six seasons. 55

Dexter

Dexter credits

 

Those of The Borgias make virtue of their audience’s knowledge of Renaissance painting to establish the high-brow presumptions of the production. 56 The sequence uses as its main motifs paint and paintings (like Caravaggio’s Death of the Virgin and Exposure of Luxury by Agnolo Bronzino) to encapsulate the themes of the narrative that, focusing on the Borgia family, deals with corruption, lust, bribery and murder. 57

The Borgias credits

The Borgias credits

 

The work of “aestheticisation” of these titles generates a “sense of beauty” and allusion: their functionalism turns into a form of persuasive entertainment that magnifies that of the associated series. 58 Like the logos and brand signatures of Hollywood’s heyday that resonated with “particular kinds of production values”, Showtime’s titles are a “means of confirming specific kinds of industrial authority and viewing pleasure”. 59 Their cutting-edge style and artistic virtuosity aspire to position the channel as a competitive brand of entertainment that congratulates viewers for their supposedly superior taste in entertainment. This strategy shows that credits create interpretive frameworks for individual productions, while concurrently working within the broadcasting context to attribute an organic, distinct identity to a platform and its audience.

 

Homeland’s “worse opening credits ever”

Openers distil different concerns, with legal matters, reception, marketing strategies converging in the creation of a “functional space” that, “open[ing] up room for aesthetic variation”, performs a channel’s aspiration to cultural relevance. 60 “In their search for beauty”, notes Ellis, they “present a vision of television as it could be … if only it were even more costly than it already is”. 61 But what happens when audiences do not receive credits favourably? This section looks at the disputed credits of Homeland to further analyse the impact that an opener has on a channel’s marketing strategies.

Acclaimed as “stylish and challenging”, 62 Homeland has been Showtime’s flagship programme since its premiere in 2011, receiving consecutive awards in the competitive category of “Best TV Drama”. 63 An espionage drama based on an Israeli original, it tells the story of the involvement of Nicholas Brody (Damian Lewis), a Marine Sergeant back in the US after missing in action for eight years in Iraq, with CIA officer Carrie Mathison (Claire Danes), with whom he starts an affair, and with the jihadist cause. Brody’s hidden agenda and Mathison’s love for him and obsession with security question the meaning of pervasive surveillance, vulnerability and patriotism in a time of ideological redefinition, as the first decade of America’s “war on terror” comes to an end.

Like other shows airing in the last decade (most notably Battlestar Galactica [SyFy 2003-2009] and Lost), Homeland is an investigation of confinement, both in the sense of physical imprisonment and containment, when a character is unwillingly forced to comply to a pre-established set of rules and expectations. Its opening credits show a particular instance of confinement, chronicling Carrie’s obsessive identification with CIA’s counterterrorism agenda. 64 In approximately 100 seconds, they use a collection of jumbled fragments spanning her childhood, adolescent and adult years and the visual motif of the garden maze to map her involvement with the cause of homeland security.

Homeland credits

Homeland credits

 

The most evident feature of the sequence is its discontinuity and lack of consistent narrative unfolding. Not only is it difficult to assign coherence to it, when they attain narrative continuity (because of an internal recurrence of subject and motif), some shots literally jump before the eye, while others fade in a blur of aberrant chromaticism, or are superimposed to other ones. 65 This editing choice draws attention to the precarious status that, in the series, images and sounds have as objects of knowledge: the spectatorial mastery of the object of vision is bracketed by an overabundance of sensorial stimuli, like the insistent superimposition of diegetic sounds (sirens, fragments of presidential addresses on terrorism, helicopters and voices speaking in muffled Arabic) on a piercing jazz soundtrack. 66

Homeland

Homeland credits

Homeland

Homeland credits

 

With its dense, eccentric style of execution, the sequence is a challenging piece of spectacle that performs Homeland’s aspirations of cultural relevance, particularly with respect to its soundtrack, a jazz composition by Sean Callery. The tune, which was nominated for “Outstanding Main Title Theme Music” at the 2012 Emmys, provides a hint into the narrative as well as its reception. Jazz is Carries’ preferred means to calm down at moments of crisis, while its “wailing” trumpet melody functions as an acoustic commentary to the scenes of chaos passing on screen. 67 The choice of jazz for the sequence operates as cultural code. On TV, this genre is often employed to add sophistication to a scene, its improvisational qualities inviting the audience to acknowledge its baroque execution. Scores of famous New Orleans musicians (Homeland notoriously features Thelonious Monk’s “Straight, No Chaser”) intermingle with themes created by Callery, demanding from viewers a degree of knowledge and appreciation of the complex mechanics of composition and affective involvement mobilised by sophisticated television. Indeed, it is both the ambitious aesthetics and its opening theme that, in the mind of the producers, would single out Homeland’s titles as quality entertainment.

For all its aspirations, however, the surrealism of the titles has been the object of unnerved criticism by viewers and commentators. For example, Todd VanDerWerff of the online magazine AV Club finds them “goofy”. 68 In a list of “The Best and Worst Credit Sequences of 2011” published in the influential TV.Com, Tim Surette gives them an “F” for looking “like your college roommate’s bad poetry, visualized”, 69 while Nestor Watach points to their “poor execution”, judging them “the worst opening credits in TV history”. 70 In a post for the blog The Warm Glove, Watach notes that “the quality of the show itself is the antithesis of the nature of the opening credits”, an “enthralling drama” that the titles’ “contrived travesty” does nothing to delineate. 71 The criticism is so widespread that in an interview for the Hollywood Reporter Alex Gansa, Homeland’s executive producer, felt compelled to justify his choice: “some people love [the sequence]; some people hate it. […] What I like about it is it clearly shows how the last 25 years of bad news, in terms of the war on terror, might have influenced a girl growing up with bipolar illness”. 72 Contending that the titles are symbolic of contemporary anxieties, with Carrie embodying the neurosis of a burned-out populace, Gansa moves the argument away from the bottom-up criticism of the aesthetic shortcomings of the sequence, and repositions it on the paratextual level of its sociocultural implications.

Within unanimous recognition of the cultural import of Homeland’s thematic concerns, the criticism of the titles sticks out as the proverbial bête noir that threatens to compromise the reception of the show, with Gansa’s defensive statement hinting at some deep-seated anxieties as he tries to counter the audience’s reactions. Openers do indeed serve the purpose of protracted “content branding”, 73 setting up the mood and tone” of the shows. 74 Furthermore, they need to be resilient: “ensur[ing] that they won’t seem tedious on the umpteenth viewing”. 75 Negative reception of the titles might thus operate in an aporetic fashion, countering the principle by which they must create screen attachment and “resonate” with the viewer. 76

The compromising status of Homeland’s credits within the economy of the series and its broadcasting channel points to the fact the marketing force of a series’s paratextual apparatus operates as long as it triggers a productive relationship with the audience, inspiring positive feedback. This latter aspect often takes the form of audience appropriation of the paratexts. TV’s cultural economy is in fact increasingly dependent on the autonomous, bottom-up circulation of its contents and the repurposing activities that they initiate. If opening credit sequences are paratexts that influence the audience’s understanding and engagement with a media production, their negative reception should not be overlooked. Not only because it might determine a loss of viewers, but because it engenders a different relationship with the televisual text, 77 one that compromises the function of openers to ‘hook’ viewers to a channel in an instant fashion. An opener’s ability to generate hype and attract viewers is indeed linked to its ability to “produce value […] through the expression, attention and co-creation of subjectivity”. 78 The dispute over Homeland’s titles shows the extent to which Showtime’s promotion needs not only to harness and inspire, but also to inflect this subjective creation with positive market value.

 

The evolution of TV openers

The strategies associated with the production of contemplative, quality openers extend beyond the broadcasting moment, to foresee and modulate their circulation as autonomous entertainment forms. What seems to motivate the current industrial interest in openers is their ability to initiate an encounter that “linger[s] longer than the television series itself”. 79 If channels need promos with a lasting effect, they might have found in openers the right balance of artistic and promotional integrity that “lodges itself in the mind and won’t be dislodged”. 80 This performative character of openers shows how a sophisticated aesthetics and its ability to comment on a developing storyline enhance forms of moment-intensive consumption. At the same time, openers become vehicles of a form of ‘instant’ entertainment that might further push TV’s dive into an economy of the “commons”, whereby promotional materials aggregate interest and attention because of their social resonance, but also defuse and disperse this attention away from the series.

The marketing of openers is part of the marketing of attention taking place throughout the system of communication, where television overlaps with other media in an attempt to regiment the transductive dimension of media’s perceptual mobilisation. The industry thus finds itself in the position of both implementing and containing the power of media forms to engender prolonged textual engagement. 81 There is an element of moment-intensive capitalisation that criticism of openers has so far eschewed and that instead needs to be further analysed. Efforts to seize attention at the moment of broadcasting merge with TV’s need to sustain viewer support and curiosity through time. Openers stand at the point where these assemblages overlap, their properties of brevity, attraction and flexibility instigating new strategies of promotion based in the top-down modulation of practice of textual repurposing and experimentation.

 

Enrica Picarelli is the recipient of the ‘Michael Ballhaus; fellowship for postdoctoral research at Leuphana University (Lüneburg). She completed her Ph.D. in Cultural and Postcolonial Studies of the Anglophone World at ‘L’Orientale. University of Naples, where her dissertation addressed the reverberations of the post-9/11 culture of fear in American science fiction series. Her current research focuses on the televisual promotion of American shows, combining an interest in media theory and textual analysis with a focus on the affective economy of promotion. Picarelli has published articles and essays on Battlestar Galactica, Mad Men and Lost and blogs at http://spaceofattraction.wordpress.com.

 

Bibliography

Abbott, Stacey. “‘I want to do bad things to you’: The Cult of the TV Horror Credit Sequence.” Paper presented at the symposium Popular Media Cultures: Writing in the Margins and Reading Between the Lines, London, May 19, 2012.

Abrams, Janet. “Beginnings, Endings, and the Stuff in Between.” Sight and Sound 12 4 (1994): 22-26.

Alston, Joshua. “TV’s Amuse-Bouche.” VanityFair, April 12, 2012. Accessed February 1, 2013.

Cardwell, Sarah. “Is Quality TV Any Good?,” In Quality TV: Contemporary American Television and Beyond, edited by Janet McCabe and Kim Akass, 19-34. London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007.

Dovey, Jon. “Time Slice: Web Drama and the Attention Economy.” In Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, edited by Paul Grainge, 138-155. London, BFI: 2011.

Ellis, John. “Interstitials: How the ‘Bits in Between’ Define the Programmes.” In Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, edited by Paul Grainge, 59-69. London, BFI: 2011.

Evans, Elizabeth J. “The Evolving Media Ecosystem: An Interview with Victoria Jaye, BBC.” In Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, edited by Paul Grainge, 105-121. London, BFI: 2011.

Genette, Gérard. Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Grainge, Paul. “Branding Hollywood: Studio Logos and the Aesthetics of Memory and Hype.” Screen 45 4 (2004): 344-361.

Gray, Jonathan. Show Sold Separately: Promos, Spoilers, and Other Media Paratexts. New York and London: New York University Press, 2010.

Gray, Jonathan. “New Audiences New Textualities: Anti-Fans and Non-Fans.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 6.1 (2003): 64-81.

Haskin, Pamela. “Saul, Can You Make Me a Title? Interview with Saul Bass.” Film Quarterly 50 1 (1996): 10-17.

Innocenti, Veronica and Valentina Re (eds.). Limina. Le Soglie del Film/Film’s Thresholds. Udine: Forum, 2004.

Johnson, Catherine. Branding Hollywood. Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2012.

Kirkham, Pat. “Reassessing the Saul Bass and Alfred Hitchcock Collaboration.” Design Observer, January 11, 2012. Accessed 28, May 28 2012.

Lamar, Cyriaque. “The Walking Dead is Ravenously Good Horror Television.” io9, October 31, 2010. Accessed April 14, 2013.

Momentist Inc. “Title sequence for The Borgias, Showtime.” Accessed April 12, 2013.

Nededog, Jethro. “Homeland EP Alex Gansa Talks Nick Brody Twist, Defends Opening Titles Sequence.” The Hollywood Reporter, November 20, 2011. Accessed January 21, 2013.

Nussbaum, Emily. “It’s Never too Soon to Suck them In.” New York TV, May 16, 2010. Accessed January 24, 2013.

Pearson, Roberta. “Lost in Transition: From Post-Network to Post-Television.” In Quality TV: Contemporary American Television and Beyond, edited by Janet McCabe and Kim Akass, 239-256. London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007.

Rawsthorn, Alice. “Opening Titles That Grab Viewers’ Attention.” New York Times, November 18, 2012. Accessed 5, April 2013.

Sellers, John. “TV’s Golden Age of Opening Credits.” Salon, February 18, 2012. Accessed January 24, 2013.

Spigel, Lynn and Jan Olsson (eds.. Television After TV: Essays on a Medium in Transition. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004.

Stanitzek, Georg. “Reading the Title Sequence (Vorspann, Génèrique).” Cinema Journal 4 48 (2009): 44-58.

Storm, Jonathan. “One Crazy Good Spy.” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 2, 2011. Accessed January 24, 2013.

Surette, Tim. “The Best and Worst Credit Sequences of the 2011 TV Season: Sunday Shows.” TV.com, November, 21, 2011. Accessed January 24, 2013.

Szpakowski, Michael. “One Minute Volumes 1-4.” Moving Image Review & Art Journal 1 (2012): 129-135. doi: 10.1386/miraj.1.1.129_4.

Thompson, Robert J. Television’s Second Golden Age. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1996.

VanDerWerff, Todd. “‘Blind Spot’: Homeland.” AVClub, October 30, 2011. Accessed January 20, 2013. http://www.avclub.com/articles/blind-spot,64132/.

Uricchio, William. “The Recurrent, The Recombinatory and the Ephemeral,” in Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, ed. Paul Grainge (London, BFI: 2011), 138-155.

Vimeo. “OFFF Paris 2010 Titles.” Accessed April 16, 2013.

Vimeo. “F5 Titles.” Accessed April 16, 2013.

Vimeo. “Homeland Opening Credit Sequence.” Accessed April 16, 2013.

Watach, Nestor. “Does Homeland Have the Worst Opening Credits in TV History?The Warm Glove, November 28, 2012. Accessed Jan 24, 2013.

Watch the Titles. “True Blood.” Accessed April 16, 2013.

YouTube. “The Art of Film & TV Title Design.” Accessed April 16, 2013.

YouTube. “Homeland: Creating the Opening Titles Music.” Accessed April 16, 2013.

Zagala, Anna. “The Edges of Film.” Senses of Cinema 20 (2002). Accessed February 12, 2012.

 

Filmography

American Horror Story (FX 2011- present).

Battlestar Galactica (SyFy 2003-2009).

Boardwalk Empire (HBO 2010-present).

Californication (2008- present).

Dexter (Showtime 2006- present).

Game of Thrones (HBO 2011- present).

Grey’s Anatomy (ABC 2005-present).

Homeland (Showtime 2011-present).

James Bond (1962, Lewis Gilbert).

Lost (ABC 2004-10).

Mad Men (AMC 2008-present),

North by Northwest (1959, Alfred Hitchcock).

Psycho (1960, Alfred Hitchcock).

Rubicon (AMC 2010).

Searching for the Wrong-Eyed Jesus (2003, Andrew Douglas).

Se7ev (1995 David Fincher).

Six Feet Under (HBO 1999- 2005).

The Borgias (2011-present).

The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air (NBC 1990-96).

The Pink Panther (1964, Black Edwards).

The Seven Year Itch (1955, Billy Wilder).

The Walking Dead (AMC 2010- present).

Twin Peaks (ABC 1990-91).

 

Frames # 3 Promotional Materials 05-07-2013. This article © Enrica Picarelli. This article has been blind peer-reviewed.

 

Notes:

  1. David Cronenberg cited in Janet Abrams, “Beginnings, Endings, and the Stuff in Between”, Sight and Sound 12 4 (1994): 23.
  2. Pat Kirkham, “Reassessing the Saul Bass and Alfred Hitchcock Collaboration”, Design Observer, January 11, 2012, accessed 28, May 28 2012.
  3. See, for example, the openers of the F5 Festival realised by Buck Studio and of 2010 OFFF in Paris available at Vimeo. “F5 Titles”, accessed April 16, 2013, and Vimeo, “OFFF Paris 2010 Titles”, accessed April 16, 2013.
  4. Alice Rawsthorn, “Opening Titles That Grab Viewers’ Attention”, New York Times, November 18, 2012, accessed 5, April 2013.
  5. Abrams, “Beginnings, Endings, and the Stuff in Between”; Stacey Abbott, “‘I want to do bad things to you’: The Cult of the TV Horror Credit Sequence” (paper presented at the symposium Popular Media Cultures: Writing in the Margins and Reading Between the Lines, London, May 19, 2012); Pamela Haskin, “Saul, Can You Make Me a Title? Interview with Saul Bass”, Film Quarterly, 50 1 (1996): 10-17; Georg Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence (Vorspann, Génèrique)”, Cinema Journal 4 48 (2009): 45; Veronica Innocenti and Valentina Re (eds.), Limina. Le Soglie del Film/Film’s Thresholds (Udine: Forum, 2004).
  6. Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence”, 49, 45.
  7. Ibid. 53.
  8. Spielberg quoted in Kirkham, “Reassessing the Saul Bass and Alfred Hitchcock Collaboration”.
  9. Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence”, 46.
  10. Ibid. 47.
  11. Ibid. 47.
  12. The Art of Film & TV Title Design”, YouTube, accessed January 22, 2013.
  13. Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence”, 53.
  14. Joshua Alston, “TV’s Amuse-Bouche”, VanityFair, April 12, 2012, accessed February 1, 2013.
  15. Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation (Cambridge, New York, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
  16. Jonathan Gray, Show Sold Separately: Promos, Spoilers, and Other Media Paratexts (New York and London: New York University Press, 2010).
  17. Ibid. 17.
  18. Ibid. 26.
  19. Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence”, 45 (italics mine).
  20. Anna Zagala, “The Edges of Film”, Senses of Cinema 20 (2002), accessed February 12, 2012.
  21. Ibid.
  22. The wrapping up is enacted as much by opening as by closing titles. See on this aspect: Abrams, “Beginnings, Endings and the Stuff in Between”.
  23. According to Stanitzek, the title sequence belongs to the category of “peritexts”. These “are found close to the text to which they refer, are affixed to it to some degree and enter into view with it.” Conversely, the trailer is an “epitext,” as it is located at a greater distance from the text to which [it] refer[s], so that [it] can – in a temporal dimension as well – provide commentary in the forefront or as follow-up”. Stanitzek “Reading the Title Sequence”, 52.
  24. Ibid., 50.
  25. Alston, “TV’s Amuse-Bouche”.
  26. John Sellers, “TV’s Golden Age of Opening Credits”, Salon, February 18, 2012, accessed January 24, 2013.
  27. Abbott, “‘I want to do bad things to you’”.
  28. Fans often creatie alternative versions, like Daniel Kanemoto’s unofficial titles for The Walking Dead. See “The Walking Dead (unofficial) 2010”, Art of the Title, October 29, 2010, accessed April 13, 2013.
  29. Sellers, “TV’s Golden Age of Opening Credits”.
  30. Abbott, “‘I want to do bad things to you’”.
  31. Abbott, “‘I want to do bad things to you’”.
  32. Ibid.
  33. For a discussion of post-network television see Lynn Spigel and Jan Olsson (eds.), Television After TV: Essays on a Medium in Transition (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004).
  34. Roberta Pearson, “Lost in Transition”, in Quality TV: Contemporary American Television and Beyond, eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007), 241.
  35. Rawsthorn, “Opening Titles That Grab Viewers’ Attention”.
  36. Ibid.
  37. Ibid.
  38. Robert J. Thompson, Television’s Second Golden Age (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1996), 11.
  39. Sarah Cardwell, “Is Quality TV Any Good?,” in Quality TV: Contemporary American Television and Beyond, eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007), 30.
  40. Ibid., 26, 31.
  41. Sellers, “TV’s Golden Age of Opening Credits”.
  42. Alston, “TV’s Amuse-Bouche”.
  43. “Feature programmes, advertisements, idents, bumpers and so on are disassemble, recycled, remixed with materials of other provenance and recast as new texts – some funny, some absurd, some biting in their commentary. In many cases, the ephemeral has come all the way around to emerge centre stage.” William Uricchio, “The Recurrent, The Recombinatory and the Ephemeral”, in Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, ed. Paul Grainge (London, BFI: 2011), 32.
  44. Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence”, 45.
  45. Yount cited in Alston, “TV’s Amuse-Bouche”.
  46. John Ellis, “Interstitials: How the ‘Bits in Between’ Define the Programmes” in Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, ed. Paul Grainge (London, BFI: 2011), 60.
  47. Ibid.
  48. Catherine Johnson, Branding Hollywood (Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2012), 133.
  49. Ibid.,135.
  50. Ellis, “Interstitials,” 61.
  51. Ibid., 65.
  52. Ibid., 65.
  53. For example, the opener of True Blood (HBO 2008- present), a supernatural series about vampires in the American South, enriches its overview of narrative motifs like the haunted house, with extradiegetic references to southern gothic literature (especially the novels of Harry Crews), David Lynch’s films, and the documentary on Christianity and country music Searching for the Wrong Eyed Jesus (2003). See “True Blood”, Watch the Titles, date of publication unknown, accessed April 13, 2013.
  54. Emily Nussbaum, “It’s Never too Soon to Suck them In”, New York TV, May 16, 2010, accessed January 24, 2013.
  55. Ibid.
  56. Realised by Momentist studio. See: Momentist, “Title sequence for The Borgias, Showtime”, accessed April 16, 2013.
  57. Other significant examples are the main titles of Weeds (2005-2012) and Nurse Jackie (2009-present).
  58. Ellis, “Interstitials”, 64-65.
  59. Paul Grainge, “Branding Hollywood: Studio Logos and the Aesthetics of Memory and Hype”, Screen 45 4 (2004): 349, 346.
  60. Stanitzek, “Reading the Title Sequence”, 49.
  61. Ellis, “Interstitials”, 65.
  62. Jonathan Storm, “One Crazy Good Spy”, Philadelphia Inquirer, October 2, 2011, accessed January 24, 2013.
  63. The series has won multiple awards at the Emmys and Golden Globes, among which are best performance by an actress and an actor in a television drama received by Claire Danes and Damien Lewis consecutively in 2012 and 2013.
  64. The credits can be viewed at: Vimeo, “Homeland Opening Credit Sequence”, accessed April 12, 2013.
  65. This affective intrusion also materialises as hypersaturation and chromatic aberration. Occasionally, a grain effect is added, as the some close-ups of Carrie’s facial features.
  66. Chris Billig, executive producer at TGC (the studio responsible for the sequence), states that the goal was to provide a surreal spectacle that shows how Carrie is at the same time the pursuer and the victim of a “cat-and-mouse” game where good and bad sides switch place. The opener discloses that she and Brody will cross many thresholds, reviewing their goals and questioning what they used to take for granted. The images and sounds of TV news, echoes of past conversations, the Arabic language and reports from the warfront, mark the limit of a perceptual threshold tying the officer’s predicament to that of her country’s fight against terrorism.
  67. Homeland: Creating the Opening Titles Music”, YouTube, accessed January 20, 2013.
  68. Todd VanDerWerff, “‘Blind Spot’: Homeland”, AVClub, October 30, 2011, accessed January 20, 2013.
  69. Tim Surette, “The Best and Worst Credit Sequences of the 2011 TV Season: Sunday Shows”, TV.com, November, 21, 2011, accessed January 24, 2013.
  70. Nestor Watach, “Does Homeland Have the Worst Opening Credits in TV History?”, The Warm Glove, November 28, 2012, accessed Jan 24, 2013.
  71. Ibid.
  72. Jethro Nededog, “Homeland EP Alex Gansa Talks Nick Brody Twist, Defends Opening Titles Sequence”, The Hollywood Reporter, November 20, 2011, accessed January 21, 2013.
  73. Alston, “TV’s Amuse-Bouche”.
  74. This is especially true of the credits for serials, whose life is genetically programmed to stretch for months and often many years. In this case, titles must be generic enough to encompass the potential of a diegetic universe to change, a universe that, at the moment of the openers’ realisation, exists just in blueprint form, since the decision to keep a show on the air, or renew it, is taken several weeks (if not months) into the airing of the season.
  75. Rowsthorn, “Opening Titles That Grab Viewers’ Attention”.
  76. See the interviews with Jim Helton and Ben Conrad in “The Art of Film & TV Title Design”.
  77. On anti-fans and non-fans see Jonathan Gray, “New Audiences New Textualities: Anti-Fans and Non-Fans”, European Journal of Cultural Studies 6.1 (2003): 64-81.
  78. Jon Dovey “Time Slice: Web Drama and the Attention Economy”, in Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, ed. Paul Grainge (London, BFI: 2011), 143.
  79. Alston, “TV’s Amuse-Bouche.”
  80. Michael Szpakowski, “One Minute Volumes 1-4”, Moving Image Review & Art Journal 1 (2012): 133.
  81. Victoria Jaye from BBC talks about the industry’s goal to create “moment-intensive content” as a way to repurpose TV programmes for Internet use on the BBC iPlayer platform: “We create those moments […] But now those moments are no longer just gone. While we’re maxing out on their momentariness, we will also ensure that they will never have to be forgotten, so you’re giving them a permanent place or record of the passing of that moment, but it’s still a moment. You definitely still want to create hit moments of jeopardy and hilarity […] We are driving moments, but those moments have a lasting value and we can support that lasting value through these endeavours”. Elizabeth J.Evans, “The Evolving Media Ecosystem: An Interview with Victoria Jaye, BBC”, in Ephemeral Media: Transitory Screen Culture from Television to YouTube, ed. Paul Grainge (London, BFI: 2011), 119.

Imaging a Female Filmmaker: The Director Personas of Nishikawa Miwa and Ogigami Naoko

Among a burgeoning generation of contemporary Japanese women commercial filmmakers, the first of its kind, are Nishikawa Miwa and Ogigami Naoko.  Both are well known and award winning filmmakers with substantial bodies of work.  However, these two directors exist at opposing poles of cinema marketing, reception, and criticism.  Analysis of their reputations and their public image as directors provides insight into how women are finding their footing in today’s Japanese film industry, particularly in the creation and maintenance of a directorial text or public persona.

Using Robert E. Kapsis’ theory of director persona creation and transformation, I show how Nishikawa Miwa maintains a public image of film auteur and enjoys a privileged position among art cinema circles.  By contrast, the overtly feminized marketing of Ogigami Naoko’s public image, or as I will explore the absence thereof, transforms the director into a commercial product.  Underlying both personas is the thread of gendered subject positions and gendered marketing in which contemporary female film directors encounter industry mechanisms that package them as specifically female film directors.

Director Personas

In his work on film legend Alfred Hitchcock, Robert E. Kapsis challenged the idea that director reputations are generated by the “individualistic” or “masterpiece” theory in which reputations are based primarily on the director’s works.  According to this line of thought, “if an artist’s stature improves during his or her lifetime, a major reason is that the artist’s work got better, that is, more in line with the prevailing aesthetic standards of the art world” (Kapsis 1992, 16).  The arbiters who pass judgement on a directors’ work and the director’s reputation are the evaluative voices belonging to reviewers, critics, and scholars who engage in a process of “consensus building in the relevant art world” (Becker 1982, 359).  However, as Kapsis argues, this prevailing theory ignores far more tangible and objective factors that contribute to a director’s public text or image.  To begin with, sponsors (studios, producers, managers, etc.) have an active role in promoting or establishing the reputation of an artist as they profit from the exposure (Kapsis 1992, 16).  Moreover, the artists themselves are active agents in the construction of public personas and reputations, as owners of their public text.  This engagement of an artist in their own star text is a central concept in star studies (Dyer 2008), but is often overlooked when it comes to directors, who are also manufactured stars of publicity machines, both self-directed and otherwise.  Both sponsors and directors engage in the creation and maintenance of marketing materials, a public portfolio, that can cast the director as cinema auteur or commercial crowd-pleaser.  In working with the public image of Hitchcock, whose reputation began in so-called lowbrow “thriller” entertainment, Kapsis analysed the mechanisms and materials used to transform the director from a commercial entertainer to a celebrated auteur, from a “craftsman” to an “artist” (Kapsis 1992, 1).

In his Hitchcock case study, Kapsis identified four key components involved in the production of a director persona.  The first is the crafting of a “biographical legend” or “public reputation.”  This narrative lends a perceived “reality” or “truth” to the director’s products that encourages reading films as perceived extensions or expressions of the director’s projected, public self.  In accord with the practiced tenets of auteur theory, the promoted reputation of the filmmaker “can influence how viewers derive meaning from any given film” (Kapsis 1992, 11).  As such, the director’s careful articulation of her own biography is central to constructing an atmosphere of legitimacy and gravitas to both her films and spectatorial meaning making.

Kapsis’ second factor concerns “conventions of critical discourse about genre” (12) that interrogate and negotiate “genre meaning systems.”  A director, focusing on a particular genre and its conventions, establishes a consistent body of work that facilitates analysis across film texts.  This worked well in Kapsis’ study on Hitchcock, a director operating in a particular historical and industrial context.  However, it does not work quite so neatly in a contemporary setting in which directors operate more independently from a studio industry (as is currently often the case in Japan), and are more influenced by a global environment of postmodern expressions and experimentation across disparate media formats.  Rather, I would amend Kapsis‘ point to meet contemporary conditions (and the more local context of Japanese genre deconstruction) by replacing consideration of a director’s genre with consideration of a director’s oeuvre as a cohesive whole in which motifs, style, and production contexts span films.  In the case of Japanese cinema this is particularly true for those directors that seem to defy genre classification: e.g. Ogigami Naoko, Iwai Shunji, Tanada Yuki, Kurosawa Kiyoshi, and Miike Takashi.

Thirdly, Kapsis places importance on “the critical discourse on cinema, which refers to more general criteria affecting how reviewers from a particular time period evaluate current or past films” (12).  He notes that in American cinema, “writers in general dismissed the vast number of popular entertainment films…their blatant commercialism was considered incompatible with artistry and seriousness” (12).  This bears true in criticism of Japanese cinema as well (Laird 2010) and divides directors into two opposing groups: commercial and high art.

Lastly, Kapsis notes that a director’s public text is defined by “marketing and publicity strategies developed by film companies and filmmakers to promote their films ” (Kapsis 1992, 13).  In the case of Hitchcock,

the crusade to establish [his] reputation as a significant artist typically unfolded against the backdrop of the films Hitchcock was working on at the time. That is, the mechanism for creating publicity for his latest film became the vehicle for disseminating to journalists and critics the proposition that Hitchcock was a serious artist. (17)

To evaluate the Hitchcock metamorphosis, Kapsis turned to the Hitchcock Collection for his study, a collection that “includes scripts, papers, production notes, publicity files, correspondence, and memorabilia” (xv), as well as taped interviews and correspondence with François Truffaut, housed at the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences.  In considering these resources, I would bring Kapsis’ argument up to date here by suggesting that we think of his resources as not just the career documents of a director, but as the texts that support the creation and maintenance of the director’s reputation.  As such, are these not actually a director’s paratexts, the marketing materials that define and support director texts?  Jonathon Gray defines media paratexts as the (mostly marketing) materials that surround, amplify, explain, and contextualize a text.  In short, Gray argues that “paratexts are not simply add-ons, spinoffs, and also-rans: they create texts, they manage them, and they fill them with many of the meanings that we associate with them” (Gray 2010, 6).  With regards to Kapsis’ study, film paratexts are not only a mechanism of context for a particular film or its stars, but are also meaning generators for individual directors.

In his focus on Hitchcock, there is an element that is overlooked in Kapsis’ analysis: the role that gender plays in gendered marketing campaigns that addresses gendered audiences and crafts a gendered director persona.  This is no doubt because Kapsis studied a celebrated male director working in a male dominated (thereby male normative) industry.  However, in the case of contemporary female directors in Japan, director gender and gendered imagery plays a primary role in shaping the director’s public persona.  Moreover, the extent to which the director is feminized by her marketing paratexts can play a significant role in her designation within the commercial/auteur value-laden dichotomy.

To address the paratextual gendered marketing of contemporary Japanese female directors, and how polarised variances in director texts place these filmmakers in the commercial/auteur dichotomy, I will now turn to a comparison of two prominent directors:  Nishikawa Miwa and Ogigami Naoko.  In considering their respective director personas, I take into account Kapsis’ four elements: (1) the biographical legend; (2) consistent motifs and stylistic techniques within film oeuvre; (3) critical discourse and reception; and (4) marketing paratexts.

Nishikawa Miwa

Director, screenwriter, and novelist Nishikawa Miwa holds ground at the perceived forefront of the current generation of Japanese female filmmakers.  However, she stands noticeably apart from her contemporaries in both reception and acclaim.  As I will show in the case of Ogigami Naoko below, women directors are categorised and marketed as particularly women directors in much the same way that Japanese women writers have been partitioned as women writers (Ericson, 1996).  Nishikawa Miwa’s director persona, however, successfully transcends gendered demarcation.  Nishikawa is promoted as a cinema auteur–a status attainable only by men in Japan until recently, as per the mechanisms outlined by Kapsis.

Nishikawa Miwa’s biographical legend is steeped in pedigree.  As opposed to other contemporary directors who have educational backgrounds in small universities, art schools, or film trade schools, Nishikawa is a graduate of Waseda University, Japan’s most prestigious private school, with a degree in literature.  This concise biographical information is included in every Japanese language Nishikawa promotional profile and crucial to her biographical legend.  In short order, Nishikawa distinguishes herself from those with a technical background in commercial filmmaking.  Literature, as opposed to film, is de facto coded as high art and the academic study, as opposed to a craftwork training, aligns Nishikawa with other directors who hail from the same literary lineage.  Moreover, while at Waseda, Nishikawa became the protégé of internationally renowned director Kore’eda Hirokazu, also a Waseda alumnus with a background in literature.  She worked on his widely acclaimed film Wandāfuru raifu (After Life, 1998), and Kore’eda later financed her first full-length feature film Hebi ichigo (Wild Berries, 2002), lending an important voucher of credibility and prestige to her debut film.

What this biographical legend creates for Nishikawa is the foundational image of a literary (high art) filmmaker with the connections and support of living legends.  In turn, her films are often praised for attention to narrative craft, in no small part because reviewers come to her films with the knowledge of her background and kone (social and professional connections).  When engaging with a Nishikawa film, the audience is preconditioned for an auteur work that merits serious consideration.  For her part, Nishikawa sustains this aspect of her persona by not only writing her own scripts, but by writing novels and editing essay collections, all of which effectively reinforce her high art auteur identity within literary and filmic traditions of both creative and intellectual authorship.

Nishikawa’s biographical legend, Kapsis’s first factor, is reinforced by the aesthetic and stylistic consistences within her film oeuvre, which is Kapsis’s second factor.  In her films, Nishikawa displays a studied practice of canonical techniques that remind critics strongly, and nostalgically, of what has been deemed Classical Japanese Cinema. 1 In some cases she does this outright through adaptation of canonical literary texts: Nishikawa has both directed and written screenplays of works by authors Dazai Osamu and Natsume Soseki.  Her original works convey a cohesive display of conventional techniques, imagery, and motifs that include direct allusions to prominent directors.  Critics liken her style and cinematography choices—low lighting, long takes, methodical pacing, atmospheric cutaways, jazz and blues soundtracks used ironically or discordantly, and a precise application of absolute silence to articulate psychological interiority—to the salad days of Japanese cinema. As critic Kimura Mariko wrote, “rare for a young director [one of Nishikawa’s traits is the] cinematography of classic Japanese cinema” (Kimura M. 2006, 189).  Nishikawa’s films are celebrated because they resemble and reflect a legacy of art cinema and are set apart from contemporary commercial trends invested in happy endings and saccharine melodramas.

Nishikawa’s films, however, are not evaluated at a distance, but rather often by a jury of her peers (or elders within a socially rigid hierarchy).  Nishikawa herself participates in the critical discourse and reception of film in Japan, Kapsis’ third criteria, thereby shaping her public persona as not only a director of art cinema, but as an authority on film history and film critique.  In addition to public promotion of her own films, Nishikawa is an active member of the analytical and philosophical cinema community.  She participates in published roundtable discussions, writes essays on film and literature, and engages in discussions about the current status of Japanese cinema with other noted directors.  Her presence among cinema critics, standing shoulder to shoulder with noted auteurs, frames Nishikawa as an intellectual director, one who is engaged in shaping currents in her field.

While Nishikawa performs the persona of auteur across a variety of media platforms including interviews and published essays, the marketing media paratexts created about her and her works, Kapsis’s fourth component, similarly reinforces this position.  Before discussing Nishikawa’s paratextual auteur presence, there are a few paratext platforms specific to Japan that require brief introduction.

As in any global or local movie market, Japanese films run through a promotional machine of trailers, posters, magazine spots, and music video crossovers. 2 In Japan, there are three paratext formats uncommon to other movie markets.  One, small advert cards distributed to commercial venues including ticket agencies, box office counters, convenience stores, books stores, music stores, and video rental shops.  They sit in piles next to the register, are highly stylised, and usually include cross-marketing product information (see Figures 1 and 2).  Two, what are called chirashi. Found in thick stacks in movie theatres, rental shops, book stores, department stores, and convenience stores, chirashi are take-home fliers, free and collectible.  They are double-sided with a scaled image of the poster on the front and screening information with partnered advertising on the back.  Chirashi are a standard form of advertising used by many Japanese industries to promote events, goods, and services (see Figure 3).  Three, the panfu, short for panfureto, or pamphlet (see Figure 4), sold at movie theatres as a souvenir, retailing from 700 to 1500 yen.  Panfu vary tremendously in content, size, and shape, but are carefully designed to convey the aesthetic of the marketed film.  Containing a substantial amount of film-related material, panfu arguably do the most semiotic work to established a studio/distribution backed paratextual image of a film.

An advert card for Ogigami Naoko’s film Megane (Glasses, 2007)

Figure 1: An advert card for Ogigami Naoko’s film Megane (Glasses, 2007). The card is folded accordion style such that when flat, the film title and icon (a pair of illustrated glasses) is visible from the bottom-most layer while the topmost image of actress Kobayashi Satomi lies on top. In collapsed form as seen above, the advert is roughly 3.5 x 4.5 inches.

 

Figure 2

Figure 2:  Top: advert card for Ogigami Naoko’s film Megane (Glasses, 2007).  When unfolded and pulled to its full length, the frontside of the advert reveals portraits of the ensemble cast (here rotated to fit image and not to scale with Figure 1). Bottom: the backside of the advert contains film information, stylised illustrations, and cross-merchandise product placement.

 

Figure 3

Figure 3:  Examples of chirashi.  Left: the front and back sides (left and right respectively) of a chirashi advertising a double feature screening of Nishikawa Miwa’s films Hebi Ichigo (2002)and Yureru (2006).  Right: the front and back sides (left and right respectively) of a chirashi advertising the theatrical release and Roadshow run of Yasuda Mana’s film Shiawase no suicchi (Happiness Switch, 2006).  Chirashi are typically uniform at 7×10 inches.

 

Figure 4

Figure 4:  The panfu for Ogigami Naoko’s Kamome Shokudo (Seagull Diner, 2006) resembled a suitcase in a nod to the film’s central theme.  Inside, the booklet contained film stills, bonus photographs, a mockup of the protagonist’s diner’s menu, tourist information about Helsinki (including filming locations), and the standard supplementary publicity fare (e.g. plot synopsis and actor interviews).

 

While many of these specialised paratexts are designed with an element of play, particularly the ones targeting a young (or female) demographic, Nishikawa paratexts are straightforward, with a serious and often scholarly tone that reflects her auteur persona and literary background.  The posters and chirashi for her films depict brooding melodramas, represented by star couplings (redolent of the parallelism at work in her tightly written narratives) in stern postures with dour expressions (see Figure 5).  Nishikawa panfu include high-brow critical essays in addition to the more typical material such as interviews, actor biographies, and plot synopses.  Some panfu even include poetry.  The panfu for her film Hebi Ichigo (2002), although neon green, is simple and designed to resemble a book cover; an incorporation of her literary background.  The panfu for Yureru (2006) resembles a paperback with nothing but the film’s title in white on the cover with contents are uncharacteristic for a panfu: written essays by critics and novelists with few star images and film stills.  Dear Doctor’s panfu is a miniature book with text in a typewriter font.  Collectively, these design elements that conjure up the figure of a literary auteur director are supported by video paratexts of Nishikawa, both interviews and making-of specials that appeared online (e.g. official film websites), on television, and in her DVD extras.  In clips selected for marketing, Nishikawa cuts a strong and impressive figure.  She is eloquent and thoughtful.  She is featured in scenes in which she leads meetings and gives orders in a no-nonsense manner.  She is cast as impressive and not a little awe-inspiring.

 

Figure 5

Figure 5: Chirashi for Nishikawa Miwa’s three most recent full-length feature films. Left to right: Yureru (Sway, 2006), Dear Doctor (2009), and Yume uru futari (Dreams for Sale, 2012).  Nishikawa’s films are clearly billed as serious dramas that play on dichotomous couplings arranged in near graphic matches that are strategically divided by design elements: character Hayakawa Takeru in Yureru (played by heartthrob Odagiri Joe, obviously milked for star power in the advertising) is set against himself; the young, city-slicker intern and the older, countryside doctor in Yureru are matched in profile but contrast in nuanced meaning-laden angles; and the two bedraggled halves of the marriage partnership in Yume uru futari are split by the film title in yellow.

 

Ogigami Naoko

Ogigami Naoko’s director persona, a commercial filmmaker tied to branding and cross-marketing, is the direct antithesis to Nishikawa Miwa’s auteur director persona.  Unlike Nishikawa, Ogigami Naoko has been imaged as a female director who makes films for women. 3  While Nishikawa is the favourite of awards critics, Ogigami Naoko seems to be the favourite of moviegoers, particularly women (Schilling 2012; “News Release” 2012; mussesow 2012).  In terms of consideration for auteur candidacy, these are strikes against Ogigami since, to paraphrase Kapsis, critics have a tendency to dismiss popular entertainment films because as commercial products, their very commercialism is considered “incompatible with artistry and seriousness”.  Moreover, within film criticism and popular discourse there is a bias in criticism against what has elsewhere been decried as the “chick flick” (e.g. Huyssen 1986, Kimura T. 2006).  If Nishikawa is the image of the auteur persona, then Ogigami, a feminized commercial filmmaker, seems to serve as her foil.

Ogigami’s biographical legend is one of technical training and independent filmmaking.  A Chiba University Image Science program graduate, Ogigami also earned a graduate degree in film production at the University of Southern California in the U.S.  She chose to study filmmaking abroad because she felt that the then extant training curriculums at Japanese film production schools were not a good fit for her (Lang 2011).  This move, in some ways a rejection of the domestic industry and film lineage, positions Ogigami outside not only the academic connections central to Nishikawa’s career, but also Japanese cinema traditions.   With a foreign degree and training in cinematography, Ogigami returned to Japan as not a protégé of a legendary filmmaker, but a self-financed independent filmmaker.  Her first domestic short film Hoshino-kun Yumeno-kun (2000) won the Best Music Award, the Audience Award, and the Scholarship Prize at Japan’s PIA Film Festival (PIAFF).  In other words, at a populist festival Ogigami came away with populist prizes.   Since the festival wins, Ogigami has relied on support from small production companies who, in turn, garner funds from a product-oriented market.  As such, Ogigami is more overtly a commercial filmmaker, in terms of production assistance alone, and she often relies on cross-marketing with tourism businesses and cross-merchandising.  Ogigami’s biographical legend, and the historical means to her filmmaking, fashions her as not an auteur stemming from literary or scholarly influences, but as a working commercial director.

Like Nishikawa, Ogigami has developed a consistent filmmaking style throughout her body of work.  With each successive film, Ogigami develops an ever increasing preference for environmental cutaways, the illusion of flat space derived from bright lighting and defined colours, deep focus long shots, carefully centred subjects, attention to negative space, and frame-within-frame composition.  Her cinematography is at once calming and open—peaceful—while at the same time rigidly and meticulously composed to balance space and contrast colour: an assiduously manufactured illusion that cultivates harmony and natural beauty.  Thematically, her films have been labeled as “iyashi-kei eiga”, or “films that provide emotional healing.”  And yet, a consistent style and thematic approach do not lend Ogigami high art gravitas.  Rather, Ogigami’s works are equally often characterised/criticised as superficially atmospheric and environmental, with an emphasis on surface visual composition over narrative depth.  While it’s true that her story lines are perhaps understated and that her films feature characters that transform from a state of ennui or dissatisfaction to personal acceptance and emotional peace through accomplishment or “healing”, her films are nuanced and express psychological depth and complexity, not to mention deft comedic timing, that her detractors overlook.  However, it is the iyashi-kei healing image of an Ogigami film, the perceived aesthetic that is coded as light fare, that is alive in contemporary discourse and, more importantly, maintained by paratexual development of the director persona.

While over the years Ogigami has refined a cinematic style, her films, and thereby her director persona, have also been highly stylised by associated marketers through a variety of crafted paratexts.  Early on in her career, Ogigami’s films were marketed to young audiences.  Pictured below (in Figure 6) are the posters for her first two feature length films after her PIAFF win: Barber Yoshino (2004) and Koi wa go-shichi-go (2005).   The posters clearly sell youth-oriented fare and borrow the aesthetics of the then-dominant genre of seishun eiga, or “youth films”.  The poster for Barber Yoshino riffs on the school uniform, arranging the protagonists who, in the film, all suffer from a uniform haircut, in matching choir vestments.  The font is stylised to resemble a barber’s pole, and cartoony illustration lends the poster that certain kawaii (cute), trendy element.  The posters for Koi wa go-shichi-go sell the youth film aesthetic even more directly.  One is an explicit allusion to an extremely successful seishun eiga funded by the same company, Suwingu Gāruzu (Swing Girls, 2004)  (see Figure 7), and the other captures the seishun eiga school club spirit by incorporating the main characters into the image, each equipped with their personal quirky props, against a bright yellow background.  These posters were designed to sell a specific genre to a specific market, casting the films and the filmmaker as commercial media.

 

Figure 6

Figure 6:  Poster and chirashi images for Ogigami’s films Barber Yoshino (2003) (left) and Koi wa go shichi go (middle and right).

 

Figure 7

Figure 7:  The poster designs for Koi wa go shichi go (left) and Suwingu Gāruzu (Swing Girls, 2004) (right).

 

And yet, it is hard to imagine the films themselves doing well with a youth market.  Working our way backwards, Koi wa go-shichi-go is a parody of the seishun eiga.  Ogigami takes the youth film to its absurd extreme, playing up stereotypes and deconstructing the formulaic inanity of the genre.  Likewise, Barber Yoshino is a comedy, as well as a commentary on vestigial cultural traditions and entrenched national identity—heady themes for a teen market.  Moreover, the protagonist, the barber Yoshino herself, is established actress and comedienne Motai Masako, an actress decades well outside a teen demographic.  So, in fact, Ogigami’s early films themselves were likely not aimed at a youth audience, although depicted as such, but were rather films for and appreciated by adults.  Unlike Nishikawa’s paratexts that promote a unified director persona, there has been a disconnect between Ogigami’s films and their marketing.  From early on, the director persona of Ogigami, difficult to image in mismatched biographical legend, film style, and paratext marketing, is subsumed by the role of film as commercial product.

After Koi wa go-shichi-go, Ogigami collaborated with production company Paradise Café, a young organisation with experience in television production and commercial advertising, to make the crowd-pleasing Kamome shokudo (2006), followed by the equally successful Megane (2007).  To date, Ogigami continues to partner with Paradise Café and the company has crafted an adult-oriented image of the director’s films, an iyashi-kei image.  While Ogigami continued to develop the cinematic flavour established in her earlier films, Paradise Café, her production, distribution, and advertising company, created an Ogigami brand through the creation and maintenance of paratexts with a hardened style.

To begin with, the company devised a clear colour scheme for an Ogigami look: blues and whites (see Figure 8).  Secondly, the stars are an important element of the marketing, particularly in the posters and chirashi. While this is true historically for most Japanese films, an Ogigami film marketed by Paradise Cafe features the cast as a recurring ensemble lined up in roll call configuration.  Thirdly, this star lineup is balanced within the imagery such that the players are dominated by their environment.  This reinforces, to some degree, Ogigami’s filmmaking style to be sure, but the paratexts amplify this motif by including extensive imagery of food as well as recipes within the various marketing materials.  It is not a stretch to suggest that Paradise Café is deliberately appealing to a consumer demographic that has an intimate, day-to-day relationship with food preparation and kitchen spaces.  After all, this company, which actively seeks and supports female directors and targets female audiences (beginning with Ogigami as I will show below), is itself named Paradise Café.

 

Figure 8

Figure 8:  A variety of paratexts selling the Ogigami brand established by her two films Kamome Shokudo and Megane.

 

Unlike Nishikawa, who cuts a commanding figure across marketing paratexts and public performances, Ogigami appears to be a shy director both in person and in media.  In fact, within many of the promotional materials for her films, Ogigami disappears.  Or, considering that her director persona was already lost among conflicting representations early in her career, Ogigami continues to be absent.  While the paratexts establish distinct visual and thematic features of an Ogigami style, they simultaneously remove the figure of Ogigami as a director, as a labourer, as a decision maker, and as an artist.  In other words, the marketing materials sell the film and the filmic world, but not the filmmaker.  Unlike Nishikawa, it is difficult or even impossible to find Ogigami the director in her marketing materials.  Although she makes public appearances to promote her films, she does not seem to contribute to mass-marketed paratexts.  Unlike Nishikawa and other auteur filmmakers, the panfu for Ogigami films are curiously missing essays or production notes from the director.  Rather, her presence, at best, is relegated to a few quotations drafted by an anonymous copywriter.  Likewise in DVD extras, behind-the-scenes footage or bonus videos that focus exclusively on the cast and crew.  On rare occasions Ogigami appears in the background briefly before slipping out of frame.  The result is that the idea of Ogigami becomes not a director persona, but a commercial product and an idea—a style, an aesthetic, a collection of celebrities, a vehicle—rather than the figure of an auteur.

Between 2007 and 2010, Paradise Café and sister unit Suurkiitos produced and distributed two other films: Pūru (Pool, 2009) and Mazā Wōtā (Motherwater, 2010).  These two films look (meaning they appear in marketing paratexts generated by the production companies) like Ogigami films (see Figure 9).  They feature the same blue and white colour scheme, the same line up of protagonists, the same cast (in different character roles), the same high-contrast flood lighting, and the same visual dominance of setting and environment.  In fact, these films are described by spectators as being Ogigami-esque (e.g. Shinohara 2011; pretty_kitten 2010; cubismo 2010; shokora 2011).  In popular talk on fan blogs and press releases, there was even the implication that Pūru was a third act in an Ogigami series, and that Mazā Wōtā was the fourth instalment.  There is often confusion by viewers as to whether or not the films might actually be by Ogigami (e.g. kaidōwoiku 2011; poomaa_chen 2009; pat03 2009; kanon 2010). However, Pūru was directed by TV screenwriter Ohmori Mika, and Mazā Wōtā was directed by Matsumoto Kana, about whom so little is publicised in connection with the film that in the public eye she almost doesn’t exist: an extreme case of what we see happening to Ogigami the person as opposed to Ogigami the name.

 

Figure 9

Figure 9:  A variety of paratexts selling the Ogigami brand of films not actually by Ogigami: Pūru and Mazā Wōtā.

 

Although Ogigami Naoko the director was not involved in the making of either film, the association to Ogigami Naoko the name and product was created through an arsenal of marketing paratexts that enforced a serialised visual repetition and fixed similarity.  It didn’t matter that Pūru and Mazā Wōtā weren’t Ogigami films because they promised to bring the same sense of aesthetic, atmosphere, and iyashi healing delivered by an Ogigami film.  Moreover, the repetitive aesthetic of the advertising bred a consumer acquaintance with the acting troupe.  By the time Mazā Wōtā came out in theatres, Ogigami fans and promoters were beginning to think of the films as a bona fide series (emi 2011; kumanezumi 2010; chloe 2010; maikazuki290 2011; “Kamome shokudō shirīzu saishinsaku: Tokyo oashisu yokokuhen kaikin! Tokyo wo butai ni yuttari to hirogaru kūkikan! 2012; “Kamome shokudō, Megane, Pūru, Mozāuōtā no sugi wa Tokyo oashisu” 2011; Saito 2010).

 

Imaging Female Directors

Many of the films promoted by Paradise Café—Pūru and Mazā Wōtā followed by Tokyo Oasis (dir. Matsumoto, 2011), Shiawase no pan (Happiness Bread, dir. Mishima, 2012) and Ogigami’s latest film Rentaneko (2012) are, like Kamome Shokudo and Megane, directed by women.  In an industry still dominated heavily by men, this does not seem to be a coincidence.

Paradise Café is invested in two overlapping marketing strategies with the same focused goal.  On the one hand, they are implementing the now quite popular and effective Japanese marketing system known as “lifestyle creation”.  On the other, they are creating and fostering female filmmakers in a direct attempt to target a very specific demographic: women between the ages of 20 and 34, known as the “F1-sou”.

Gabriella Lukács identifies lifestyle creation marketing as the next level of product placement in media in Japan (2010).  Rather than individual products implemented into television and film narratives (that would be branded entertainment), the mise-en-scène itself as a manifestation of trends is the marketing campaign.  In other words, the lifestyles of the characters are the important feature of the media, and these lifestyles function as forms of product placement. In the case of the Paradise Café brand of Ogigami-esque films, lifestyle creation takes the shape of iyashi healing in which known stars who feel like friends live in almost tenable atmospheres and domestic settings that spectators are encouraged to recreate in their own lives by recreating the lifestyle consumption habits of the characters on-screen.  Iyashi healing happens through cathartic viewing pleasure, but films teach the spectators how to achieve personal prolonged iyashi outside the theatre through commercial consumption.

Paradise Café and Suurkiitos deploy lifestyle marketing not just in the films they produce, but also through their paratexts, particularly the panfu, which read increasingly like lifestyle catalogues.  The star interviews and informational essays emphasise the emotional journey of the filmmaking process and how the players and staff themselves incorporated the emotion of the film into their daily lives.  Selected film stills overwhelmingly feature imagery of the domestic spaces.  What is in many other cases a piece of movie memorabilia, the Ogigami brand of panfu crafted by Paradise Café is also a kind of instructional manual for lifestyle creation, and it is an instruction manual aimed at adult women.

According to Lukács, the shift to lifestyle marketing in television was “a response to women’s growing role as consumers” (Lukács 2010, 37).  This is undoubtably also the goal of Paradise Café and the motive behind its attention to female film directors.  Since 2000, women between the ages of 20 and 34 have out-purchased any other demographic at the box office (Nakamura 2007).  Distributors and producers have been actively targeting this demographic as a result, and one method of doing so has been to produce works by female talent: in other words, films for women by women.  Paradise Café’s investments in women directors is a strategy to attract women consumers, which means that first and foremost their films are commercial, as opposed to auteur works of art.  The stories and characters for each film across directors are quite distinct, and yet the repetitive casting and art direction forges a union between works.  This consistency is conveyed to consumers through marketing paratexts that draw on carefully crafted female authorship (while simultaneously erasing that authorship in the creation of a line product), with an emphasis on women’s special interests.

Nishikawa and Ogigami represent two opposing poles of cinema marketing—auteurism pitted again commercialism.  Moreover, this is a gendered polarisation.  In biographical legend, a consistent body of work, investment in film criticism, and the manipulation of marketing paratexts, Nishikawa has moulded a director persona, or text, that is decidedly auteur.  The Japanese film auteur predating Nishikawa is decidedly male.  Before Nishikawa’s current generation, there exists no precedent of independent Japanese women working contemporaneously, successfully distributing as commercial filmmakers with significant bodies of work. 4  The first Japanese female filmmaker was Sakane Tazuko, who made her first and only commercial film in 1936.  The second female filmmaker was celebrated actress Tanaka Kinuyo, who made six films, the first in 1953.  Since Tanaka, there have been only a handful of women scattered across the decades who have released commercial films.  However, it is only in the contemporary moment that many women at once are making and distributing successive films.  Like Paradise Cafe directors Ogigami Naoko, Ohmori Mika, Matsumoto Kana, and Mishima Yukiko, these women, collectively, are labeled by industry marketers as female film directors.  But not Nishikawa Miwa.

Nishikawa escapes the gendered label of female director through careful maintenance of her director persona as auteur in a long line of male, or normative, auteur directors.  Nishikawa has said on many occasions that she wants to be considered a director and not a female director.  This is a strategic alignment to be sure: legitimacy involves—and in the view of many of the participants, necessitates—disavowing a gendered subject position.  Nishikawa, however, does more than just lip service in interviews.  She sidesteps issues of gender identification by similarly sidestepping overt issues of gender in her films.  While Nishikawa takes a favourably neutral position by embracing conventional imagery, representations, and style, she also forefronts heteronormative male characters and male-oriented narratives, a dominance that is clear even in the Nishikawa film paratexts.  With regards to this attention to male characters and male narratives, Nishikawa claims, “I didn’t particularly feel like I was making a story about men. I think all of us have masculine and feminine elements within us. I live my life as a woman but it was like I was exploding those aspects of me that are male onto the screen” (Wilentz 2007). 5  In so saying, Nishikawa takes the disavowal of being a woman director one step further: she seems to have taken on the performative position of a male director.  This position is a privileged position made possible by and central to her established director persona.

Unlike Nishikawa, Ogigami privileges female actors and female-oriented narratives.  Whereas Nishikawa draws audiences with the combination of a young male star and a veteran male favourite, Ogigami reuses an ensemble cast of older actresses who portray female characters that find happy endings outside the staid confines of romantic ever-afters or maternal responsibilities.  In fact, none of Ogigami’s characters are married, are rarely in romantic relationships, don’t live with their parents, and don’t have children.  Instead, the women in Ogigami films form friendships with each other as they pursue their own interests.  In so doing, however, Ogigami creates something of a filmic “woman’s world” by literally creating a cinematic world in which mostly just women exist.  Problematic as they are, the Paradise Cafe paratexts reinforce the emotional woman’s world of Ogigami’s films.  While certainly not a perfect reinvention of cinematic gender roles—contingent as it is on utopian circumstances—Ogigami’s works are an important step in breaking down a legacy of rigid and tired on-screen stereotypes, particularly due to the inclusion of older actresses and new roles.  And yet, Ogigami’s films are criticised as light fare that values surface over content.

Comparison of the Nishikawa and Ogigami director personas reveals the problematic dichotomies women directors must navigate in contemporary film marketing and the maintenance of director status.  Both filmmakers adamantly insist that they do not set out to make films as women or as female directors, and yet it is clear that both filmmakers are involved in paratextual strategies that have a underlying connections to gender.  Nishikawa’s disavowal of a female subject position and embrace of a dominant male legacy is key to her director persona.  The overtly feminized, commercial marketing of Ogigami’s films is the key to her absence.

 

Colleen Laird is Lecturer of Japanese Studies at the University of North Carolina Greensboro, PhD candidate at the University of Oregon (East Asian Languages and Literatures), and Monbusho alumnus. Her dissertation, entitled ‘Sea Change: Japan’s New Wave of Female Filmmakers,’ concerns female directors, female audiences, and gendered exhibition spaces in Japan. She is the author of ‘Japanese Cinema and the Classroom’ (Jump Cut 2010), ‘Star Gazing: Sight Lines and Studio Brands in Postwar Japanese Film Posters’ (Journal of Japanese and Korean Cinema), as well as several pieces in The Directory of World Cinema: Japan, 2nd Edition (ed. John Berra, Intellect).

 

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Ericson, Joan E. 1996. “The Origins of the Concept of “Women’s Literature.” In The woman’s hand: gender and theory in Japanese women’s writing. Eds. Paul G. Schalow, Janet A. Walker. Stanford University Press.

Gray, Jonathon. 2010. Show Sold Seperately: Promos, Spoilers, and Other Media Paratexts. New York and London: New York University Press.

Huyssen, Andreas. 1986. “Mass Culture as Woman.” After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, and Postmodernism. Indiana University Press.

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Kamome shokudō, Megane, Pūru, Mozāuȏtā no sugi wa Tokyo Oashisu.” 2011.  Nikkei. August 02 2012.

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Kimura, Mariko. 2006. “Nishikawa Miwa.” Yuriika: shi to hihyō. Tokushū: kantoku joshikei fairu 38 n. 521: 189.

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Laird, Colleen. 2010 “Japanese Cinema, the Classroom, and Swallowtail Butterfly.” Jump Cut. 52.

Lang, Doris; Nordstöm, Johan. 2011. “For Foreigners the Japanese Toilet Really Must Be Something Amazing: And Interview with Ogigami Naoko.” Film International.

Lukács, Gabriella. 2010. Scripted Affects, Branded Selves. Durham: Duke University Press.

Nakamura, Keiji. 2007. Eiga Sangyō No Dōkyō to Karakuri Ga Yoku Wakaru Hon Tokyo: Shūwa System.

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Filmography

Barber Yoshino. Dir. Naoko Ogigami. EuroSpace, 2003. Film.

Dear Doctor. 2009. Dir. Miwa Nishikawa. Asmik Ace Entertainment.

Hebi ichigo (Wild Berries). 2002. Dir. Miwa Nishikawa. Xanadu.

Hoshino-kun Yumeno-kun. 2000. Dir. Ogigami Naoko.  Happinet Pictures.

Kamome shokudo (Seagull Diner). 2006. Dir. Naoko Ogigami. Media Suits.

Koi wa go-shichi-go (Love is 5-7-5). 2005. Dir. Naoko Ogigami. Cine Quanon.

Mazā Wōtā. 2010. Dir. Kana Matsumoto. Suurkiitos.

Megane (Glasses). 2007 Dir. Naoko Ogigami. Nikkatsu.

Pūru. 2009. Dir. Mika Ohmori. Suurkiitos.

Rentaneko. 2012.  Dir. Naoko Ogigami. Paradise Cafe.

Shiawase no pan. 2012. Dir. Yukiko Mishima. Asmik Ace Entertainment.

Shiawase no suicchi (Happiness Switch). 2006. Dir. Yasuda Mana. Tohokushinsha Films.

Tokyo Oasis. 2011. Dir. Kana Matsumoto. Suurkiitos.

Toiretto (Toilet). 2010. Dir. Naoko Ogigami. Showgate.

Wandāfuru raifu (After Life). 1998. Dir. Hirokazu Kore’eda. Artistic License.

Yumeuru futari (Dreams for Sale). 2012. Dir. Nishikawa Miwa. Asmik Ace Entertainment.

Yureru (Sway). 2006. Dir. Miwa Nishikawa. Bandai Visual Company.

 

Frames # 3 Promotional Materials 05-07-2013. This article © Colleen Laird. This article has been blind peer-reviewed.

Notes:

  1. See Catherine Russell’s Classical Japanese Cinema Revisited (2011) for a recent account of aesthetics and styles of Japanese cinema from the 1930s to the 1960s.
  2. See Jonathon Gray’s Show Sold Seperately: Promos, Spoilers, and Other Media Paratexts for a detailed account of the variety of materials that function as media paratexts.
  3. It should be noted that while Ogigami’s films are marketed as films for women, they are enjoyed by men and women alike.
  4. Here I make a distinction between mass-market commercial filmmaking and other modes of filmmaking including the various forms of Japanese documentary, independent diary films, experimental films, and pink cinema.  For this reason, celebrated director Kawase Naomi does not strictly qualify as a commercial filmmaker.  Nishikawa Miwa, on the other hand, though a recognized film auteur, writes and directs films for a commercial market.
  5. “Exploding” seems like an odd verb choice.  It seems likely that this is a typo and that Nishikawa meant or said “exploring.”